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EGYPT EXPLORATION FUND.

51 /<ie-Yn --^ r

THE STOEE-CITY OF PITHOM

AND

THE ROUTE OP THE EXODUS.

EDOUARD NAVILLE.

WITH THIRTEEN PLATES AND TWO MAPS.

LONDON:
MESSRS. TRtJBNER & CO., 57 & 59, LUDGATE HILL, E.G.

1885.

Fine Arts

V.I

NEWYOIlKUfii^EBSiTYl

h:!

Co tk JUfatr^tr gUmoriJ

THE GENEROUS PRESIDENT OF THE EGYPT EXPLORATION FUND,

SIE EEASMUS WILSON, LLD, P.RS.

LATE PRESIDENT OF THE ROYAL COLLEGE OP SURGEONS; VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE SOCIETY OF

BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY; ETC., ETC., ETC.

Vi^fiC.jZ

CONTENTS.

PAGE

Tell-el-Maskhutah 1

The Names of the Ancient City 5

The Desckiption of Pithou 9

The History op Pithom 11

The Monuments Discoveeed 13

Geographical Remarks 20

The Route of the Exodus 23

Ptolemy Philadelphos 26

Appendix 1 29

Appendix II 32

PREFACE.

The Memoir which I herewith have the honour of submitting to the pubHc
represents the first-fruits of the first excavations carried out by The Egypt
Exploration Fund, under the gracious authorization of His Highness the
Khedive, during the spring-time of the year 1883.

I shall readily be believed Avhcn I assert that the life of the Egyptologist
knows no keener delight than that of searching out the manifold secrets which
yet lie hidden beneath the sands and mounds of Egypt. Of all pursuits
which the hunting-grounds of his science have to offer him, this is not only the
most attractive and the most exciting, but it is that Avhich makes the largest
demand upon our patience, and which frequently rewards us in the most un-
expected manner. In publishing, therefore, the residts of this first expedition,
I hasten to seize the opportunity of paying a just tribute of gratitude to those
founders and promoters of The Egypt Exploration Fund to whom I am
indebted for my initiatory experience as an explorer in the Eastern Delta of
the Nile. The first name which presents itself to my pen — the name of Sir
Erasmus Wilson, the enlightened patron of Egyptology in England, and first
President of The Egypt Exploration Fund — recalls the heavy bereavement
Avhich the Society has recently sustained in the loss of that eminent man
whose commanding intellect ranged over the Avidest domains of knowledge, and
Avhose nobleness of character and inexhaustible liberality have graven an
ineff'aceable record upon the age in which he lived. I also tender my
acknowledgements to the members of the Committee, and especially to the two
Honorary Secretaries, Miss J^melia B. Edwards and Mr. Reginald Stuart Poole,
to whose indefatigable zeal the foundation and popularization of the Society
are due, and to both of whom I am much indebted for their constant support.

viii PREFACE.

and also for their valuable assistance in the revision of this ]\Iemoir for the
press. To my illustrious friend M. Maspero, Director-General of the Museums
of Egypt, I offer my warm thanks for the cordiality with which he welcomed
me as a fellow- worker on Egyptian soil, and for the invaluable way in which he
furthered the objects of my mission by instructions to the local authorities.
Nor must I omit the names of either M. Jaillon, the distinguished French
engineer, or of my learned compatriot, Professor Paul Chaix ; the first of whom
not only furnished me with the necessary labourers, but himself shared in the
daily toils and anxieties of the work, while the second has kindly taken upon
himself to prepare the Map by which this Memoir is illustrated.

In the deductions which I have drawn from the inscriptions discovered
at Pithom, I well know liow much is conjectural ; but I venture never-
theless to hoiie that this brief essay may at all events incline the jmblic to
appreciate the important ends to be attained by the exploration of Lower
Egypt. Not mere antiquities for exhibition in the galleries of museums, not
even works of art, no matter how great their artistic value, are the main
objects of our quest ; but rather the solution of important historical and
geographical problems, and the discovery of names, of facts, and, if possible,
of dates.

My reward Avill be great should the perusal of these pages awaken a more
general interest in Egyptology, which, as a field of study, embraces a period of
more than forty centuries, and as a field of exploration is of vast extent, of
unexampled wealth, and in many parts comparatively unknown.

The plates and maps have been executed by the Typographic Etching
Company.

EDOUARD NAVILLE.

Malagny, near Geneva.

August, 1884.

THE STOEE-CITY OF PITHOM

AXD

THE EOUTE OF THE EXODUS.

'^s-O^*^^

TELL EL MASK H UTAH.

On the south side of the sweet water canal
wliich runs from Cairo to Suez through the Wadi
Tumilat, about twelve miles from IsmaiHah, are
the ruins of European houses now abandoned,
l)ut wliere a few years ago was a flourishing
village. This was one of the chief settlements of
the engineers and workmen who dug the IsmaiHah
canal, and there was at that time a railway station
at this point. The Arabic name of the place is
Tell cl Maskltiitah, "the mound of the statue."
The French have called it Bamses.

None of these names are ancient. The Arabic
TcU cl Maskhutah is derived from a monolithic
group in red granite,- representing a king sitting
between two gods. This monolith has been
described by the French engineers who surveyed
Egypt at the end of the last century. The place
was then called Ahou Kachah or Abou Keycheyd.
We know, from the valuable memoir of the
engineer Le Pere, that " these ruins bore all the
characteristics of an Eg^'jitian city," among them
being a very remarkable monument, of which he
speaks as follows :^ " It consists of a monolith of
granite, cut in the form of an arm-chair, on which
are seated three Egyptian figures, apparently

' "Description de I'Egj'pte," Ed. Panckoueke, vol. xi.
p. 295.

belonging to the priestly order, as one may judge
from their costume and the caps they wear. The
monument is still standing upright, and the
figures are turned towards the east. They were
buried up to the waist ; but having dug down
to the feet, we have been able to see the whole
of them and to measure them. The back of the
arm-chair is entirely covered with hieroglyphics,
which have the appearance of a regular and com-
plete picture. Among the ruins are many blocks
of sandstone and granite inscribed with hierogly-
phics, and all such remains as mark the sites of
destroyed cities in Lower Egypt."

Since the above description was written, the
aspect of the place has changed, the numerous
blocks of which the Frenchman speaks have been
removed, or covered by the sand ; and till a few
years ago, the site of the old city was indicated
only by a hardly discernible mound, or i-ather an
undulation of the ground on the top of which
stood the monolith, the size and execution of
which showed that it must have belonged to a
temple of some importance.

The inscriptions have been published^ and
deciphered. They show that the three figures
represent Barneses II. between two solar gods, Ba
and Tttm. The circumstance that the king has

' Wilkinson, " Materia Hieroglypliii.-a,"' App. 4. Piissc
Mon. de I'Egypte, PL XIX.

NEV

UNIVERSITY
' CuLLESE

STOEE-CITY OF riTIIOJt AND THE ROUTE OF THE EXODUS.

placed himself among the divinities led M. Lepsius'
to considei- him as the local god to whom the city
was consecrate, and therefore to identify Tell el
Maskhutah with the city of " Eaamses" bnilt by
the Israelites dnriug the Oppression. When,
therefore, a party of French engineers settled
there in 18G0, and gathered a great nnmber of
workmen aronnd them, the name of Eamses was
adopted for the locality, and has remained in use
np to the present time. For several years
Ramses was a place of some importance — a
European and Arab village, distinguished by the
elegant villa of M. Paponot. But since the canal
was finished, all the inhabitants have left the
place, which is once again a desert, the ruins of
houses and of a mosk, and the wasted gardens
being the only witnesses of its former prosperity.

The mound or lc6m of Maskhutah is situate on
the southern side of the present canal, the high
banks of which are crowned by the earth-works
thrown up by Arabi's soldiers. Before the making
of the Ismailiah canal this place was watered by
an older work, called the canal of the Wadi, which
is now only a marsh full of reeds. Moreover,
it is still possible to trace the bed and part of the
banks of a much older channel, the canal of the
Pharaohs, re-established by Ptolemy Philadelphos
and again by the Emperor Trajan. It skirted the
south-eastern side of the city.

Standing on the bank of the canal, and looking
from Arabi's redoubt towards the desert,- we first
note two sides of a very thick wall meeting at
right angles, and constructed of very large bricks.
The northern side rises above the sand to a
height (jf some two or three yards. On the
western side it used to be entirely covered by
sand ; but it was laid bare a few years ago, and
its great width (eight yards) gives it the ap-
pearance of a causeway. The angle of the
southern side is still discernible ; but that part is
entirely covered by the villa Paponot. It is easy

' Lcpsius " Chroiiologie," p. 348 ; " Zeitsclir. fiir JE'^.
Sprncho," ISGG, p. .32. = Cf. Pl.ite 1.

to trace the direction of the eastern side, and to
reconstruct the plan of the whole enclosure ; but
on that side, owing to the vicinity of the old canal,
the wall has very likely been destroyed to make
v/ay for the houses of the inhabitants. At the
time when the villa was constructed, nothing
except the monolith and the northern side of the
enclosure could be seen above the sand. One
day, however, in digging for the garden, the work-
men came across another monolith of the same
size as the first, the pair having once stood
symmetrically at the entrance of some edifice.
Concluding that these monuments flanked each
side of an avenue, M. Paponot continued the
excavations in the same direction. The result
was the discovery of two sphinxes in black
granite, placed also on each side of the avenue or
dromos ; then, farther on, a shrine or iiaos in red
sandstone, very well executed, and a large stele in
red granite which was lying flat, and had been
used as the foundation of a Roman wall of baked
bricks.

The discovery of these monuments, which all
belong to the reign of Rameses II., seemed to offer
additional evidence in favour of M. Lepsius's
theory that this was the site of Raamses. M.
Maspero, who published some of them,' came also
to the conclusion that it was a city of Raamses,
perhaps that of the Israelites, the starting point
of the nation going to conquer the land of Canaan.
This, however, was not yet a well established fact.
The geography of the eastern part of the Delta is
not nearly so well known as that of Upper Egypt.
We are acquainted only by name with a great
number of its cities, canals, and lakes. Not only
in the hieroglyphical lists of nomes which are
inscribed in several temples, but in the writings of
the Greeks and Romans, we have a great deal of
information regarding the Delta, which was visited
by several invading armies and by a considerable
number of traders and travellers. But most of the

^ " Kevue Archeologiquu," Nouv.
p. 320.

St'i-ie, vol. xx.xiv..

STORE-CITY OF PITHOM AND THE ROUTE OF THE EXODUS.

sites have not yet been identified ; and except a
few famous places like Heliopolis, Tanis, Mendes,
and Bubastis, the reconstruction of the geography
is still a guess-work, in which conjecture occupies
a large place. The only means of bringing some
light to bear on these obscure questions is to
make excavations. At this present time fresh and
decisive information is to be expected not so much
from the study of written texts, as from the pick
and spade.

Owing to the uncertainty in the determination
of localities, two very different theories have been
started as to the route of the Exodus and the
sea which the Israelites had to cross. The old
theory makes them start from Wadi Tumilat and
cross the sea somewhere in the neighbourhood
of Suez. The new theory originated by Dr.
Schleiden and M. Brugsch supposes them to
have departed from the country round Tanis, and
maintains that the crossing of the sea must be
understood as meaning that the Israelites followed
a narrow causeway between the Mediterranean and
the Serbonian bog. That dangerous track still
exists at present, and is subject to be wholly
washed over when there is a heavy sea.

This last theory, which has been advocated with
a great deal of learning and supported by very
ingenious arguments, has occasioned much dis-
cussion, not only among Egyptologists, but also
among those who take interest in biblical geo-
graphy. On which side lay the truth '? Would
it ever be possible to arrive at any certain con-
clusion, or at least to find one or two definite
points of that famous route ? This very im-
portant and obscure question has been brought
before the English public in the most complete
and scientific way, in a series of papers^ by the
distinguished secretary of our society. Miss Amelia
B. Edwards, who, after having gathered and sifted
the evidence on both sides, discarded M. Brugsch's

' "Was Eamses II. the Pliaracih of tlie Oppression f by
Amelia B. Edwards. A series of Papers in " Knowledge,"
years 1682 and 1883.

opinion, and adhered to M. Lepsius's view, so
placing Eaamses at Maskhutah, and Pithom at
Abu Sulcyman, near the railway station of Aim
Hammed.

The question re-opened by those papers, and
the desire to come nearer if possible, to the
solution of the Exodus problem, induced the
society to choose Maskhutah from among the
various localities where the kindness and the
liberality of M. ]\Iaspero allowed excavations to
be made. And thus the great task of the explo-
ration of the Eastern Delta was begun.

Before attempting to excavate, it was necessary
to study the monuments formerly discovered near
M. Paponot's villa by the French engineer
M. Jaillon, and now deposited in one of the squares
of Ismailiah. They consist, as has been said
before, of a monolith of red granite ; a great tablet
of the same stone ; two sphinxes in black granite ;
and a broken naos of red sandstone of the same
style and material as those which may be seen at
San. The naos is also a monolith, but the inner
part is not empty. It contains a recumbent
sphinx with a human head, not detached, rising
from the floor.

One sees at first sight that all these monu-
ments have been dedicated to the god Turn, of
whom the other form is Hovemhlm, Harmacliis,
the same who was worshipped at HehopoHs. It
is he who is represented on both sides of the
tablet, once as Tum, with a human head bearing
the double diadem, and once as Harmachis with
a hawk's head surmounted by a solar disk. Another
emblem of Harmachis is the sphinx with a human
head, of which a gigantic example is seen in the
sphinx near the Great Pyramid. Each time
Barneses II. is mentioned he is spoken of as the
friend of Tum or Harmachis. It is clear there-
fore that Tum was the god of the city. It is
true that the name of I'i Turn, the abode of Tum,
is not to be found on the monuments of
Ismailiah; but it may have been carved on the
top of the tablet, or in some of the lines which
are now obliterated; besides, I subsequently found

B 2

STOEE-CITV OF PITiro:\r AND THE ROUTE OF THE EXODUS.

one of the lost fragments of the naos, containing
not only the cartouche of Ramses II., hut also
the name of the region in wliieh Pi Tum was con-
structed, Thulit, ^^P I , also knoAvn to us from

other monuments discovered, as well as from the
lists of nomes, and the papyri of the British
Museum.

The result of this preliminary study was there-
fore to show that according to all probability the
city which would be discovered at Maskhutah was
not Raamses, but I'ltlmiii, tJic citij or the uhodc of
Turn.. This conjecture has been entirely borne out
by the results of the excavations.

I began working on the 5th of February, with
the most obliging and effective help of M. Jaillon ,
who bi'ought with him a gang of about one hundred
workmen ; a considerable tacility in a place ab-
solutely desert, and where it was necessary to
remove a great quantity of sand ; for, as the
monuments were neither very numerous nor very
large, it is likely that nothing at all would have
been found, had we only set a few labourers to
dig here and there.

We excavated first the south-eastern angle of
the enclosure,^ not far from the place where the
former monuments had been discovered, between
the monolith and the enclosure. There the liim
or mound rose to its greatest height ; and there also
it seemed Hkely that we should find the remains of
the old temple. We also worked much nearer the
bank of the canal, on a large undulating space
separated from the enclosure by a sort of valley.
Not far from there some rude stone coffins had
been found while the canal was being made, and
it might have been thought that it was a necropolis.
But this proved not to be the case. Although we
went to a great depth under several of the mounds
we f(Jiiii(l nothing but crude l»rick, of small size,
clearly belonging to the Roman period. Those
were the house-walls of the ancient inhabitants.
No monument of any importance was found there ;
but only copper coins, fragments of hard stone

' Cf. Plate I.

which had been used as mortars, and a great
quantity of broken pottery of the coarsest de-
scription, cups, jugs, and large amphorjT?, some
of which were perfect, and are now in the
Museum of Boolak.

Within the area of what I regard as the sacred
enclosure, the excavations were carried northward,
in the line of the dromos of the temple ; and then
beyond that area we laid open a large space of
perfectly level ground, which concealed the thick
walls of the store-chambers. Shafts were also
sunk in various places, which brought to light
everywhere brick walls of different periods, which
illustrate the history of the city of Pithom.

The chief monuments discovered, — which,
according to the contract made with the Egyptian
Government, through the courteous Director-
General of the Museums of Egypt, M. Maspero,
are the property of the Boolak Museum, and were
transported thither — are the following, according
to chronological order : — ■

A hawk of black granite, an emblem of

Harmachis, bearing the oval of Barneses 11.^

(Plate XII.)
A fragment of red sandstone, belonging to

the naos at Ismailiah, of the same prince,

and bearing the geographical name of

Thuku. (Plate III. a.)
A fragment of a tablet of black granite, used

as a moi'tar, and bearing the name of

Sheshonk I. (Plate III. b.)
A statue of a squatting man, in red granite,

the lieutenant of King Osorkon II., "Ankh

renp nefer, the good Recorder of Pithom." ^

(Frontispiece and Plate IV.)
A statue of a squatting man, in black granite,

a priest of Succoth called Aak. (Plate V.)
A large statue in black granite, broken to

pieces, of a sitting king, probably of the

twenty-second dynasty, perhaps Osorkon II.

- Presented by 11. II. the Kliedivc to the Egypt Exploration
Fund, and by the Fund to the Priti.sli Museum.

" Presented by 11. 11. tlie Khedive to the Egypt Exploration
Fund, and liy the Fund to tlic British Museum.

STORE-CITY OF PITHO.M AND THE ROUTE OF THE EXODUS.

Fragments of a very fine pillar, of which

a whole side was gilt, with the name of

Nekhthorheh, Nectanebus I.
Fragment of the statue of a priest. This

was the first monument on which I read

the name of the city, the Abode of Turn.

(Plate VII. A.)
Base of the statue of a princess, bearing the

two ovals of the queen Arsinoe II. Phila-

delphos. (Plate VII. c.)
The great tablet of Ptolemy Philadelphos,

the largest and most important monument

discovered by me at Tell el Maskhutah.

(Plates VIII. to X.)
Two Roman inscriptions, giving the name of

Ero, or Heroopolis. (Plate XL)
Also several others of minor importance.

Let us now examine the principal results derived
from the study of the inscriptions engraved on
these monuments.

THE IfAilES OF THE AXCIENT CITY.

Tell el Maskhutah was not Eaamses, as M.
Lepsius endeavoured to prove; it was I'ithom, the
City or the Abode of Turn, one of the cities of
which Exodus tells that they were constructed by
the Israelites by the command of the Oppressor.

The hieroglyphical name is Fi Turn u) or

^1^^.' It occurs first on the statue of the

Lieutenant of Osoi'kon II., AiikJi renp ncfcr, of
whom it is said that he was the good Recorder of
Pi f horn. '^ It is mentioned three times in the
texts of the statue, and it occurs also twice in the
great tablet of Philadelphos. It corresponds to
the Hebrew Dhp,^ to the Coptic IIeecx)JU, to
UlOw^i and neiOw of the Septuagint, and to
ndTovfjio<; of Herodotus.*

' riiite IV. line 3, and Plate IX. line 13.
' Plate IV. c and D.
' Exodus i. 11.
* L. ii. 158.

A variant, which occurs often, especially in
inscriptions of later times, is Ha Turn or Ha neter
Tuin.^ It is the same with the names of many
other cities, chiefly when they are derived from a
god who is considered as having there his residence
or his abode. Thus we have Pi Bast and Ha
BaM, Bubastis, in Hebrew J^DTE); Pi Ainon
and Ha Amoii, Thebes; Pi Ptah and Ha Ptah,
Memphis. Though the site had not yet been
determined, we knew the name Pi Turn or Ha
Tum through the lists of nomes, which indicate
that this city was the capital of the eighth nome of
Lower Egypt ; and also by various mentions in the
papyri, where it is generally associated with another
name also found very often on the monuments of
Maskliutah, i.e. the name of Thuhu or Thulct,

(2 I . "" ; also written ^^ %. '^^^ and

. Thuku, or Thuket, on the fragment

of Eameses II., " is the name of a district inhabited
by foreigners, or of a borderland, to judge by the
determinative ] which follows the group. It is
written in the same way in the Papyri Anastasi,
which belong to the following reign. Thuku was
first a region, a district, then it became the name
of the chief city or the capital of the district. This is
the sense which it bears in most of our inscriptions ;
as in the great tablet, and the other Ptolemaic
texts, and even in the titles of the priest Aak/
which are of an older epoch. The lists of nomes
give either Pithom or Thuku as the capital of the
eighth nome of Lower Egypt.

We have in the Papyri Anastasi * a good deal
of information concerning the region of Thuku.
We hear that it was a borderland, near the foreign
region of Atiima, which was occupied by nomads ;
that the entrance was guarded by the stronghold of
King Menephtah, and also by another fortification

called shur [l o"^. ][',^ also that it contained

' Plates V. and VII. Brugscli, " Diet. Geog." p.
6 Plate III. A. ' Plate V.

' " Pap. Anastasi," vi., 4, line 13.
' Brugsch, " Diet. Geog." p. 50.

STORE-CITY OF PITHOM AND THE ROUTE OF THE EXODUS.

the city of Pithom, near which were hxkes and
large j^astures. The governor bore the title of
Atcnnu,^ as we see it inscribed on the statue of
Aii!c]i rcnp nefcr.

M. Brugsch, in his extensive researches on the
Geograi^hy of Egypt, first drew the attention of
Egyptologists to the Hebrew word corresponding
to Thiiku or Thnkot. The letter £= which was
pronounced th, is often transcril)ed in Greek and
Coptic by o- ; and in Hebrew by D.' The name of

^(.IBa'vvTo<;, Sebennytus, Theh iictcr T s=5 | ® is
a striking proof of the truth of this assertion, which
is corroborated by the spelling of many common
names. I need not dwell on this philological de-
monstration, which seems to me quite conclusive.
The transcription of TliulrA would be the Hebrew
ni3D Succoth.^ It is not at all surprising that the
Hebrew word should mean tents. We have here
an example of a philological accident which con-
stantly occurs in mythology and geography. A
name passing from a language to another keeps
nearly the same sound and the same appearance,
but it undergoes a change just sufficient to give
it a sense in the language of the peojJe who have
adopted the word. The new sense may be totally
different from the original.^ It is the same with
the name of Moses, in Egyptian []] p ^ ^ mesu,
the child or tlie hoij, which the Hebrews con-
verted into rTl}D,Mos}u'h, "dra^ra out of the water,"
a turn of meaning which of course has nothing to
do with the Egyptian word.

We know therefore the site of Pithom and the
region of Succoth. Pithom must not be looked
for near Abu Hammed ; still less in the marshes
of Lake Menzaleh. It lies buried under the brow
of Maskhutah, and the enclosure, which still rises

' "Pap. AnastasiV'v., 25,1.2. Bnigsch, "Rev. E^ypfi
p. 22 and foil. o.;i , .,

= r,nigsf,'h, "Aeg. Zeit.«clir.," 187.5, p. 7.

' Rev. H. G. Tomkins lias pointed out tliat we have tlie
As-syrian transcription of Sueeoth in the Iskhil of Esar-
haddon. Academy, Marcli .3, 188.3.

* Cf. the very good remarks on this point in Lenorniant,
"Les Origines de rhistoirc," 2nd ed., ii.. p. 171.

above the sand, was the defence of the city, which
was both a storehouse and a fortress.

Pithom changed its name at the time of the
Greek d}"nasty. It became HcyoiipoUx, which the
Piomans abridged into Ero. This is most deci-
sively proved by one of the Latin inscriptions
found upon the spot. The stone on which it is
engraved formed part of a wall in white calcareous
stone, situate not very far from the entrance, in the
line of the dromos, and near some Eoman brick-
work, which very likely was a gate. The inscription
was engraved by two different hands. ^ It seems to
me very clear that after the letters LO, of which
I do not know the meaning, the writer intended
to engrave EPiOPOLIS, but stopped short after
the letter P, the remainder being finished by ano-
ther hand. Whatever doubt may remain on the
first two lines of the inscription, the last two are
perfectly clear, EKO CASTRA, the camp of Ero.
'Hpco, Hero, says Stephanus Byzantinus, is an
Egyptian city, which Strabo calls 'Hpwwv tj-oXiu,
Heroiipolis. The second inscription'^ is more in-
teresting, because it gives the distance from EEO to
CLVSMA. If I had not found the other, it might
have been doubtful whether we were at the start-
ing-point ERO, especially as the distance given
entirely disagrees with the numbers of the Itinerary
of Antonine. A small fragment with the Greek
word HPOT is also an evidence of the site of the
city of Heroopolis.

A very interesting confirmation of the identity
of Pithom and Heroopolis is found in that passage
of Genesis (xlvi. 28) which relates that Jacob,
going to Egypt, " sent Judah before him unto
Joseph, to direct his face unto Goshen." Here
the Septuagint, who, as M. Lepsius rightly
observes, must have known the geography of
Egypt, differ from the Hebrew text, and translate,
instead of Goshen, near Heroopolis in the land of
llamses, Ka9^ 'Hpiocov ttoXlv et? yrjv PafjLecrcr^. The
Coptic version, however, which was translated from
the Septuagint, keeps the old name of the city, and

' Plate XI. A.

Plate XI. B.

STORE-CITY OF PITHOM AND THE ROUTE OF THE EXODUS.

has, ;/('(/)• Pitlinm the citij in the land of Hamscs,

This striking coincidence shows that at the time
when the Coptic version was made the old name
had not yet been obhterated ; Heroopohs was still
for the natives the abode of the god Turn, who
vei'y likely was still worshipped there.

Abou Keijchi'ijd, or as it is called now Tdl d
Maskhutah, was the site of Heroopolis. The
famous French geographer d'Anville,^ with his
admirable acuteness, had already guessed the
truth. More recently Quatremere, ChampoUion,
Dubois Ayme, Le Pere, and LinantBey,^ adopted
the same view, which has however been opposed
in the most contemptuous terms by Dr. Schleiden,^
the originator of the theory of the Mediterranean
Exodus. M. Lepsius* places Heroopolis at Magfar,
three miles from Maskhutah. M. Brugsch in his
earlier works supported the identity of Heroopolis
and Pithom, which he translated "fortress;" but
in his memoir on the Exodus, following Schleiden's
system, he placed Pithom near lake Menzaleh, and
Heroopohs near Suez, but on the other side of the
gulf.^ This great discrepancy of opinion among
such numerous and high authorities shows how
difficult it is to reconstruct the ancient geography
of Egypt upon the scanty information given by
Greek and Roman authors, and how absolutely
necessary it is to make excavations, in order to
come to some definite results.

Several intei-pretations have been proposed for
the name of Heroopolis. M. Lepsius derives it
from the god 'Hpco or 'Hpwv, who, as ChampoUion
and Wilkinson rightly observe, is the equivalent
of Turn in the inscription of the obelisk of Her-

1 11 ■

' Memoires sur I'E'^ypte," p. 121 et seq.
'Memoires sur les principaux travaux executes en
Egypte," p. 158.

' "Die Landenge von Sues," p. 120 et seq.
* " Clu'onologie," p. 34.5.

' Since this was written a very interesting article by M.
Brugsch, in the "Deutsche Eevuc," has brought forward
before the German public the discovery of Pithom-Hero-
iipolis.

mapion, quoted by Ammiauus MarceUinus. Hero-
opohs then would be the city of Turn. But
next comes this question : How can 'Hpw be a
translation of Turn '? What is its derivation ?
Whence comes its etymology ? I believe that
Heroopohs may be quite differently inter-
preted and in a manner corresponding to
the special character of the city. Among the
titles of one of the Ptolemaic priests, we find
the followino;: ■^~~^c-zi'^ Mer ar, "the

.^a.

keeper of the storehouse." Ar written with the

initial a would be transcribed in Greek HP; and

as the storehouse was one of the principal parts
of Pithom which had been constructed as a store-
city, it is quite possible that it may have given its
name to the place.

The discovery of the site of Heroopolis Pithom
is of great importance for the reconstruction of
the geography of the eastern part of the Delta.
It is difficult not to admit that at the time of
Barneses II. the Ked Sea, or rather the Arabian
Gulf, extended much further north than at pre-
sent, and comprehended not only the Bitter
Lakes but also Lake Timsah. Even supposing
Heroopolis to have been the most important city
near the sea before the foundation of Arsinoe, it
would be strange that the Arabian Gulf should
also have been called Heroopolitan, and that
Strabo should say that Heroopolis was built at the
end of the Arabian Gulf, eV fivx^ ■''°" ^Apa^iov
Kokij-ov, if it had been about seventy Roman miles
away from the sea.

We may say, with M. Lepsius, that the ancients
considered as a gulf the two large inner basins
now called the Bitter Lakes and Lake Timsah,
when they had been united by means of a wide
canal, such as the work of Philadelphos ; but at
the time of the Exodus the natural communica-
tion must have existed. Dr. Schleiden himself,
who opposes this opinion from distances taken
from Herodotus and Strabo, agrees that the
geological facts establish without any doubt a great
extension of the Red Sea towards the north ; but

STOIiE-CITY OF PITIIOM AND THE ROUTE OF THE EXODUS.

lie maintains that we must go back to prehistoric
times iu order to fiml such a hydrographic
state of the Delta. We shall revert to this
subject when dealing with the geography of this
district ; but for the present we may say that, on
the contrary, all the authors, even of later times,
speaking of Heroopolis, seem to point to the
vicinity of the sea. Agathemeros' says that the
Arabian Gulf began at Heroopolis ; and Artemi-
doros^ states that from there the ships started
which went to the land of the Troglodytes : hence
we may safely conclude that not only at the time
of the Exodus, but even under the Romans, the
physical condition of that part of the Delta was
very diilerent from what it is now. This change,
the consequences of which have been so consider-
able, may even then have begun very gradually,
very slowly to take place. It is not necessary to
travel very long in the Delta in order to see that
there has been much movement iu the soil. In
some parts it must have sunk considerably; as
around Tanis or in Lake Menzaleh, where impor-
tant ruins are several feet under water. In
other places, which were certainly under water,
it has risen. Heights have been upheaved,
like the banks of Chalouf; the Bitter Lakes
and Lake Timsah have become isolated ; and
the Red Sea has shrunk back as far as
Suez.

Let us consider two other names, referring not
to Heroopolis itself, but to the region in which it
was situate. The Septuagint, mentioning the
land of Goshen, call it Goshen of Arabia,'* recrefji
'Apal3ia<;. Herodotus* quotes Patumos as a city of
Arabia, UdTovixo'; -fj 'Apa/Sir). Strabo speaks of
Arabia as the land extending between the gulf
and the Nile. This name, which was evidently
imported from abroad, means first a vague region
which was contiguous to Arabia proper ; through
which lay the way to it ; and which was very

' "Gcogr. gracci miu. Ed. MiiUcr," ii., p. i75.

' Strabo, xvi., ji. 709.

' Gl-u x.xxvi., 3i. ■• Herod, ii., 1.58.

possibly inhabited by a population of the same
race. The Greeks speak of a nome of Arabia, just
as on the western side there was a nome of Libya.
The Arabian nome derived its name fi'om its
vicinity to Arabia. I believe that the name of
the Egyptian region, called Arabia, exists in
the hieroglyphics, and that it has been tran-
scribed in Egyptian by two words which have a
certain likeness in sound to the Semitic word.

Arabia would be tJie eastern, door t^ J| "^

' ro ab.' Osiris, who on the tablet of Philadelphos
immediately follows the god Turn, is called the
lord of Arabia, or rather of the Arabian city

In two texts of Denderah,'

Thoii

• — ' ■'^
rithom of Arabia

art in

=> .6. ^ri iii

I I tX^N^

I I c^ ©

he is addressed in these words

iv FlaToviMoj Trj ^Apa^ir) ; and again, Tliou art
in I'itiioin of Artd)ia, liriiif] IH'e ilie lirini] God.

I 1 ^TT-ITQ I I r-^M \ ^ 111

Lastly, we meet with another name which seems
to be very ancient, and which belongs to a large
region, the boundaries of which are not well

marked ; it is the region of An c^s . Some-

times, as on the statue of Ankh renp nefer, it is
7"h/;i who is lord of An ; generally it is Hathor
who is the goddess of the country. This name is
found in the lists as referring to the territory of
the eighth nome, the nome of Pithom, and
]\I.Brugsch has recognized in it the JdCrtH^ quoted
by Phny.'' The learned Roman says that the
Arabs call Aacant the gulf of the Red Sea on
which Heroopolis is built — another proof that
the sea extended very near Pithom.

There are many more geographical names in
the great tablet ; but several are difficult to identify
orang to the bad state of the sculptured text. Of
the others we shall speak in dealing with the
geography and route of the Exodus.

' "Diimichen. Geogr. Inschr.," ii., pi. 29, 3; i., pi.
xcviii., 12.

" I'liii. " Hist. Nat.," vi., 29, § 1G5.

STORE-CITY OF PITHOM AND THE ROUTE OF THE EXODUS.

THE DESCRIPTION OF PITIIO^L

The square area enclosed by enormous brick
walls, the chrection of which is visible in Plate I.,
contained a space of about 55,000 square yards.
Before the excavations were begun, the ground
was nearly flat, sloping gently towards the
marshes. The traces of the former excavations
were still visible. The highest part was be-
tween the enclosure and the monolith. Here
only there was a kind of mound, or bJiii. Except
the walls and the monolith, no ruins appeared
anywhere ; not even such heaps of bricks and
tumbled-down houses as usually mark the sites
of ancient Egyptian cities.

Judging from the aspect of the place, and the
ordinary construction of Egyptian temples, it
might have been thought that the enclosure was
the tciiicnos, the area belonging to the sacred
building, which sometimes, as at Sdn, or still
more at Thebes, covered a very extensive surface.
The monolith would then have been at the en-
trance of a long dromos leading to the temple.
The result of my excavations has been to show
that it was not so. The temple occupied only
a small space in the south-western angle in the
neighbourhood of the monohth ; or rather of the
monoliths, for we know there was one on each
side of the entrance. The naos of Ismailiah was
found at a distance of less than thirty-two yards
from the monolith, and it certainly could not have
stood at the entrance of the temple, but at the
farther end. Near the iiaos was found the great
tablet of Philadelphos, of which it is said in the
inscription that the king ordered it to be erected
hefuvc his father Turn, the great god of Sueeoth.
The whole temple extended only a little farther
than the naos. It had not been finished, to judge
from the big stones roughly hewn which were left
there. One of them was cut in the form of a
tablet ; another, a fine piece of black granite,
had been cut in the form of a sitting statue, but
was left unfinished, and abandoned, I should think

as early as the time of Piameses II., the founder
of the city.

The temple was enclosed on both sides by walls,
or square masses of bricks. It was a rectangular
space, divided from the rest of the building. Very
likely bricks were the materials of which the greatest
part of it was built. The monuments which
have been preserved are either of red or black
granite, or a kind of red sandstone. The inner
walls were made of white limestone of Toora, which,
in spite of its Egyptian name, "the good stone
of An," has no durability, is broken with the
greatest facility, and does not resist the action of
the air. Everywhere in the course of our excava-
tions, pieces of that stone have turned up ; some-
times a block from the foundation of a wall ;
sometimes a fragment with one or two hiero-
glyphic signs, showing that it was part of some
sculpture ; sometimes also I found several feet deep
of white gravel entirely composed of that stone,
which had crumbled to pieces. Evidently a con-
siderable number of inscriptions have been thus
destroyed, and this explains why I found so
few. It was in limestone that the buildings of
the twenty-second dynasty, and of the Ptolemies
were made. When the Komans levelled the
ground, in order to establish their camp, they
destroyed without mercy an immense number of
inscriptions which would have been most precious
to us. Many fragments of porphyry and granite
were scattered among the ruins of houses,
having been used as mortars, mill- stones, or
thresholds.

Outside of the space which I consider as the
temple, and excavating farther towards the north-
east, we reached some very strange buildings,
no indications of which appeared above the sand,
but which, however, were of considerable extent.
We came upon thick walls built of crude bricks,
joined by thin layers of mortar. These walls are
remarkably well built, and have a thickness of
from two to three yards ; the surface being per-
fectly smooth, and as well polished as possible with
such a material as mere Nile mud. Everything

STORE-CITY OF PITHOM AND THE ROUTE OF THE EXODUS.

indicates a very good epoch, when the Pharaohs
built with the intention of making a lasting work.
These are the walls of a great number of rect-
angular chambers of various sizes, none of which
had any communication with each other. In the
first we reached,^ at about two yards from the
surface, we found pieces of a very fine statue,
in black granite, representing a sitting king, but
without the urteus. It had been thrown from
the top, and had been broken into quite small
pieces, showing that it must have fiillen from
a good height. The head only and the upper part
of the bust had not suffered much ; and these
have been removed to the Museum of Boolak.
Lower still were bricks thrown without order,
sand, earth, and limestone chips. It is evident
that the intention had been to fill up the
chamber to a certain height after the top had
fallen in. About four yards from the soil the
walls stand on natural sand, showing that it is the
basis of the building. At the height of two yards
from the bottom there are regular holes at corre-
sponding distances on each side, where timber
beams had been driven in. About one yard
higher there is a recess in the wall at the same
level in all the chambers which I excavated
to that depth. The wall above had been covered
with a kind of stucco, or white plaster. I
excavated to the bottom of chambers 1 and 2 ; but
seeing that they had been intentionally tilled up,
it seemed useless to go on emptying them, so I
confined the work to digging deep enough to
trace the direction of the walls, without attempting
to go to the bottom.

What was the object of those chambers ? I
believe them to have been built for no other pur-
pose than that of storehouses, or granaries, into
which the Pharaohs gathered the provisions
necessary for armies al)out to cross the desert, or
even for caravans and travellers which were on
the road to Syria. It is also very likely that the

No. 1 of the :*Iap. Cr. Pl:itii II.

Ptolemies used them as warehouses in the trade
with Africa, which took place through the Hero-
opolitan Gulf. We know in fact, from the great
tablet, that Pithom was one of the places to which
the African vassals brought their tribute. For
a border-furt, which was also a store-place, means
of defence were necessary, and therefore it was
surrounded by the very thick walls, part of which
are yet preserved. These facts explain the slight
difference which we find between the Septua-
gint and the Hebrew text in speaking of Raamses
and Pithom. The Hebrew calls them ni3D0, which,
according to Gesenius, means 'storehouses,' while
the Septuagint translate TidXeis oxvpa.';, ' fortified
cities.' Both expressions are equally true. Hero-
opolis at the entrance of the Gulf, the place from
which fleets sailed to the Pied Sea, must have been
a strong place with a garrison. Such certainly
was the case under the Romans, who called it
the ' Camp of Ero.'

I laid bare the upper part of the walls of
several of these store-chambers, which I do not
doubt extended over the greater part of the space
surrounded by the enclosure. In order to make
an exact plan, it would be necessary to dig the
whole surface to a depth of three feet. Wherever
shafts were sunk, I came across brick walls more
or less decayed, and belonging to different ages. It
would be impossible now to reconstruct the plan
of these chambers in the eastern part, where the
enclosure has disappeared. This part, being
nearest the canal, was evidently encroached upon
at an early period by the houses of the inhabitants,
and the old constructions have suffered. There
the excavator finds a compact mass of bricks of
all ages, in which it is hopeless to trace any kind
of plan ; but the part near the temple is in a
much better condition.

The chambers had no communication with
each other ; the access to them was only from the
top. It is possible that the recess which exists
in the wall was employed for an awning, or for
supporting some kind of ceiling. If the chambers
were filled with corn, it must have been thrown

STORE-CITY OF PITIIOM AXD THE ROUTE OF THE EXODUS.

down from above and drawn up afterwards in the
same way.

The area thns occ-upied was of course not a
convenient ground for a camp ; therefore the
Romans filled up most of the chambers ; and they
used for that purpose whatever came first to
hand. Thus they have thrown down the fine
black statue of the unknown king, and, what
was still more precious, a beautiful pillar of
Nectanebo I., which was entirely gilt on one side.
This must have been a very fine monument. The
fragments have been removed to Boolak. If all
these cellars were excavated, it is quite possible
that many other monuments, more or less broken,
would be found in them, having been cast in to
level the ground. If excavations are ever re-
sumed at Pithom, the remaining store-chambers
will have to be cleared out.

The civil city of Thiihi extended all round the
sacred buildings of Pithom, the Abode of Turn.
There are traces of habitations on all sides ;
and nearly all are of the time of the Romans. For
a long time I entertained hopes of finding the ne-
cropolis of Pithom. At the time when the canal
was being dug, the workmen came across a great
number of coffins in white calcareous stone, some
of which were roughly carved in the shape of
mummies. In other places, at a small depth in
the sand, they found mummies enclosed in large
earthen pots. The shafts which I sank led to
no result. During several days my labourers
were engaged in excavating a singular structure
near the canal. It consisted of two masses of
bricks, sloping gablewise, and resting on the sand.
Instead of joining together at the top, however,
they are separated by a kind of gutter about
a yard wide. It might have been thought that
underneath them could be found one, if not several
coffins. We did not find anything, except at
one end a pit in which bones of men, of dogs, and
even of fishes, were intermingled with a few
small amulets.

THE HISTORY OF PITHOM.

The founder of the city, the king who gave to
Pithom the extent and the importance we recog-
nize, is certainly Rameses II. I did not find any-
thing more ancient than his monuments. It is
possible that before his time there may have been
here a shrine consecrated to the worship of
Turn, but it is he who built the enclosure
and the storehouses ; he is the only king whose
name appears on the naos and on the monuments
of Ismaihah. Nowhere is it said, as on the
monoHth of Abou Seyfeh,^ that he restored con-
structions of former kings. Very likely he found
it necessary for his campaigns in Asia to have
storehouses for provisioning his armies ; and also
means of defence against invaders from the East.
We find here confirmation of the evidence derived
from other monuments that he is the Pharaoh of
the Oppression, as he built Pithom and Raamses,
the site of which last is still uncertain. Rameses 11.
built much in the Eastern Delta ; it is clear that
he attached great importance to that part of the
country. There are ruins likewise at Tell Rotab,
near Kassassin, which may possibly be also attri-
buted to his reign. If there were cities like
Pithom in the Wady Tumilat, there must have
been a canal to supply them with the necessary
water. We know, in fact, from Strabo ^ that
according to tradition, it was Sesostris who first
attempted to dig a canal from the Nile to the
Red Sea.

After Rameses, Menephtah, who built much at
Tanis, (San) did not neglect Succoth. We know
from the papyri that there was a fortress here
bearing his name ; but I did not find his oval
anywhere, not even on the bricks. It is extra-
ordinary that among the hundreds of bricks which
I examined at Pithom, I never found one bearing
a royal &-tamp.

It does not appear that the kings of the

' Prisse, " Mon. Eg

pi. xix.

L. i., p. 3i

STORE-CITY OF TITIIOM AND THE ROUTE OF THE EXODUS.

twentieth dynasty tlitl anything for Pithom. It
is possible, however, that to the reign of one
of those sovereigns we may attribute a calcareous
stoue with three faces,^ on which there is repre-
sented a king worshipping Horus. This king had
evidently returned from a successful campaign,
for on one side he is seen bearing his mace and
his bow, while, on the other, he holds by tlie hair a
prisoner with his hands tied behind his back.
The two broken cartouches, traces of which are
still visible, are impossible to decipher. If he
was a king of the twentieth dynasty he would not
be the only one of this family who is met with in
the Delta ; for independently of Rameses III., who
built much at Tell el Yahoudeh, the name of
Seti II. is found at Tanis.

After Rameses II., the kings who seem to have
done most for Pithom are those of the twenty-
second dynasty, the kings of Bubastis — Sheshonk I.
(Shishak),^ of whom we have a fragment in black
granite, and especially Osorkon II., who very likely
enlarged the temple of Tum. On several occasions
I found fragments of calcareous stone, generally
cornices, on which the name of Osorkon II. was
painted in red, in order to be sculptured after-
wards : the red colour disappeared when exposed
to the sun, but I could distinctly read the name.
Besides, to his time belongs one of the most
attractive monuments found during the excava-
tions, namely, the statue of the Ateiinu, tlie
lieutenant of the king, AiiUi renp nefer,^ who speaks
of Pithom as a place where Osorkon celebrated
festivals. For kings like Shishak and Osorkon,
who had repeatedly to fight the nations of Asia,
it was very important to hold the cities com-
manding the roads leading to the desert ; and
therefore we find them building on the northern
route at San and on the southern at Pithom.

I attribute also to Osorkon II. the sitting
statue which had been thrown in the chamber
No. 1. I should think the stone for tliis statue

' Plate YI. ' riatf III. u. ' Frontispiece and Date IV.

had been brought under Rameses II. It was in-
tended to be one of a pair, for, as already noticed,
there was at the end of the temple a large block
of the same stone roughly carved in the form of a
sitting statue of the same size, which had been left
unfinished. The two portions of another statue,
unfinished and very roughly hewn, were found
walled in a door-post of Roman time. On the
back I could decipher the name of one of the
Tah'Ioth.><.

The Pharaoh who fought the Persians, Kfklit-
horhel) or Xcetanclio I., also built at Pithom, and,
strange to say, with a richness which would not be
expected in a city of that kind. At the northern
end of the excavations, between the enclosure and
the outer wall of the chambers, I found, together
with many pieces of granite, some fragments
of a pillar of calcareous stone of a bluish colour.
The sculptures are of the best workmanship.
They represent scenes of offerings to the god
Tum ; and one of the sides is entirely covered
with very thin gold, remarkably well preserved.
I suppose it is to the Romans that we must attri-
bute the destruction of this beautiful monument.
It was not possible to make out anything from
the inscriptions, except one of the ovals of the
king, and the name of Succoth.*

By far the most important monument dis-
covered at Pithom is the great tablet of Philadel-
plios, which was near the naos. It records what
was done for Pithom by the king and his queen
and sister Arsinoii II. The day before it was
found, the workmen laid bare the base of a statue
of which the feet only were left, and on which were
sculptured two royal ovals. ^ One contained the
the name of Arsinoe ; the other was unknown.
Next day, when the great tablet was discovered, I
saw that Arsinoe had adopted two ovals, one of
which is a kind of coronation name, Nuni ah Shu
mcr netcru. The tablet, which unfortunately is
very hard to read, is a very interesting document

* Plate III. c.

• Plate YII. c.

STORE-CITY OF PITIIOM AND THE ROUTE OF THE EXODUS.

not only as regards the history of Pithom, but also
as regards that of Ptolemy Philadelphos. We
learn from it that Pithom and the neighbouring
city of Arsinoe, which the king founded in honour of
his sister, were the starting points of commercial
expeditions to the Red Sea ; and that from thence
one of Ptolemy's generals went to the land of the
Troglodytes and founded the city of Ptolemais
G-qpwv, for the special purpose of facilitating the
chase of elephants. And it was to Heroopolis that
the ships brought those animals, which played such
an important part in the warfare of the successors
of Alexander. For a general of that time it was as
important to have an elephant force, as in our days
it is essential to have a strong body of artillery.
We learn also that close to Pithom there was a
city called Pikerehet, or Pikelwrct, which must have
been an important place, judging from the amount
of taxes which the king attributes as revenue to
its temple.

THE ]\rONUMENTS DISCOVEEED.

We will now study more closely the principal
monuments discovered during the excavations.

Plate III. A. — The large monuments of Rameses,
now at Ismailiah, have been known for several
years. Besides the name of the royal founder,
which we learn from them, we see also that Tum
Harmachis was the divinity of the place. To
him was dedicated the naos in red sandstone, in
the base of which a sphinx is sculptured. The
naos is not perfect. The fore-part has been
broken ; but I found part of it, bearing the upper
portion of the name of Rameses and the words
^^37* ^ Q.\, the lord of Thchu, of Succoth. It is

possible that underneath there was the sign t^^
which has been broken away. This small frag-
ment shows that the name of Succoth was already
in use in the time of Rameses II. , and that it was
considered as a border land.

Plate III. b.^ — I found only a small fragment
of this tablet, which, judging fi'om the stone of

which it was made, and the style of the engraving,
was certainly very fine. Two goddesses, repre-
senting Upper and Lower Egypt, promise a long
and prosperous reign to a king who makes
an offering to them. This king is Sheshonk I.
(Shishak), whose name is still legible. The
Bubastite kings, and particularly Shishak, must
have used the storehouses of Pithom for pro-
visioning their armies going to Syria.

Frontispiece and Plate IV. — One of the most
elegant monuments found at Pithom belongs to the
twenty-second dynasty. It is the statue of Aukh

renp ncfer T" ^ I now at the British Museum, and
of which we here print the inscriptions. This
statue is of red granite, and represents a squatting
man with his hands crossed on his knees. Before
him is a small naos containing a figure of Osiris.
On the knees are engraved the two ovals of Osor-
kon II. (F), of whom he was an officer, and
between the hands is the monogram of Ankh renp
nefer (E). At each side, sculptured on the legs,
are representations of gods who promise their
protection to the deceased. The inscriptions con-
cerning them are engraved on the sides of the
naos (C and D). Even on both sides of the head

Osiris and Sokaris are engraved.

Ankh renp nefer was "1^^ ^~w« ' " VJ ,^ first
lieutenant of the hing. This title is very hke
another belonging to the same locality ; the
lieutenant or wakcel of the territory of Sueeoth

■^ /www H ^ tJu' fjreat inspector of the palaee ; the
good recorder of Tnni or of Pithom, ' 1 Qi) I """^^ l^
'"^l^ ; lastly, a title of which I do not

or AWVAA^

' Here, as well as in the Ptolemaic inscription, Plate A^II. a.
1. 2, the sign cn has the form FlI . It is a variant, which

<:z=> instead of
<z=> and I I I instead of i i i .

j\ ra © n ©

' "Pap. Anastasi," V. Brugsch, "Eev. Egyp.," i., p. 22

et seq.

STORE-CITY OF PITHOM AND THE ROUTE OF THE EXODUS.

know the meaning, p | , which I believe to be
read l-elnvi. These titles seem to indicate some
civil or judicial ofSce.

Ankh renp uefer recites his own praises in the
three lines of text engraved on the back of the
statue (A) : —

Line 1. The first lieutenant of tlie king, tlie first inspector
of the palace, Ankh renp nefer speaks thus : " I liaJ the right
of entering the palace, I was honoured by my lord who gave
me his praise, I entered before him at the head of his in-
timates . . ."

Litie 2. I inquired for the royal will,' and I went out
bearing his order, banishing misery and softening quarrelsome
talk. ..

Litie 3. His obedient son has dedicated to his fatlier
Pithom the abode of the festivals of the king," the divine
oflspring of Ea, Osorkon, beloved of Amon, son of Bast. I
found the way . . .

On the sides of the naos are the following in-
scriptions ; on the right side (D) : —

Anion Ka !Mut and Khonsu, grant tliat may last the name
of the good recorder of Turn, the god of the region of An,
Ankh renp nefer, the kebaa of the abode of Tum (Pithom)
the god of An.

And on the left (C) :—

Horemkhu Shu and Tufuut, grant that may last the name
of the first inspector of tlie palace, the good recorder of the
abode of Tum, the god of An.

On the top of the naos is an inscription which
repeats the title of tirst inspector of the palace,
and adds the title of Kchua, with the name of a
city, which may be Bubastis, although the sign
which reads Bast is different from that which
occurs in the cartouches of Osorkon.

This sentence is difficult

because of the group ^^^ | . In the tablet of Ptolemy

ich

Philadclphos the king is called U V^^ in the dates, whic
seem to indicate tliat Vx^ means 'royal :' the roijdl sonnd nf

irorJs moans very likely the Royal will or the Eoyal
command.

I consider those words as a variant of

' I !^!|..iii)M

AAA/V*A

According to il. J'.riigsch, "Diet.,"

vol. viii., p. 8U.5, this group means an ahode in the form of
a tent or tabernade.

Pl.\te V. — To the period of the last Pharaohs,
but prol.)ably later than the preceding monument,
we must refer another statue, also of a squatting
man, in black granite, with inscriptions engraved
on both front and back. It was made for a priest
of the name of Aalc.

The inscription on the back reads thus : —

Let a Royal ottering bo maile to Seb, let all the funeral
offerings, geese and oxen, be given to the Prince, the head of
the prophets, Aak, the justified, the beloved. Thy spirit is
in heaven among the stars, thou art one of the gods. Prince
Aak.

The inscription in front is much more difficult.
It gives us the titles of Aak in full : —

The first Erpa (Prince) of Sept, the lord of the East, the
head of the prophets of Tum, the great god of Sucooth, Aak,

the son of Atsheb, speaks thus: " I am he in whom

tlie great Sahu appears. He is not driven back, the judges
have not found anything hateful. All that appears on the
altar of Tum is for thy Ka, Aak ; we give (?) thee every day
the things . . . . "

The god A v^ , Sept or Sopt, is often desig-
nated by this title lord of the East, or even lord
of Asia.^ He is also the god of the twentieth
nome of Lower Egypt, the nome of Phacusa.

In the middle of the inscription, the deceased
addresses the priests of the locality. The first of

them has a curious name, fZ^ ft "

Ji^^c

^ . u , Julian

viiti.^ This title is found again in a Ptolemaic
text from Pithom (Plate VII. b), with the variant

He seems to have been one special

rj ;iiniiii ,

priest chosen among the class of the ijS , Atdiau.^

This last name reminds us of the "^^fg^ of the
nome of Sai's. It is very likely that this title
6\ occurred on a list of priests at Denderah,''

Avhere the texts concerning Pithom are destroyed.
Aiihau means properly iritli Iniuj limlis. It is one

' lU-ugsch, " YOlkertafcl," p. 30.

■" I liave adopted the new reading a for the sign /p^
cf. ISrugsch, "Diet. Hier.," vol. vii., p. 500.
' Cf. Plate VII. A and a
* Brugscli, "Diet. Geog.," p. 137G.

STORE-CITY OF PITHOM AND THE ROUTE OF THE EXODUS.

of those titles which have a symbohc sense, of
which we do not understand the meaning or the
origin, and it was pecuhar to the locahty of
Succoth. A man might he an auhaa, and at the

same time an ] v > « prophet ; a usual title, found

in all the temples of Egypt. The deceased ad-
dresses the priests who are entering the temple :
^^ Au Itau unti, and all the priests icho go into the
sacred abode ofTiun, the great god of Succoth, let
them saji that a roij(d offering he made to the Ka of
the beloved of the great god . . . that the ceremonies he
made to the Ka of him whose name is not destroyed^

in the temple before " &c. This inscription

alone would be sufficient to prove that it was the
Abode of Turn, Ha Tum, or Pitliom of Succoth,
which lay buried under Tell el Maskhutah.

No oval of any king gives us the reign to
which this monument belongs. It is very likely,
however, that it is earlier than the Ptolemies.
I should not be surprised if it dated from a
dynasty later than the twenty-second, for example,
from the time of Nectanebo I., who, as we have
seen, enlarged the temple of Pithom.

Plate VI. — Before going on to the Ptolemaic
monuments, I must mention a three-sided calcare-
ous stone, on each face of which is an engraved
subject. In the middle we see a king with his
hands raised, in the act of worshipping the
god Horus. The lower part of his cartouche is still
extant ; but, despite the most careful inspection,
I could not succeed in deciphering these signs, and
therefore in determining the king whose name they
contain. The same king appears on the two other
faces ; on one he holds his bow and his mace and
seems about to start for a military expedition ;
on the other, on the contrary, he holds by the hair
a prisoner with his elbows tied behind his back,
which indicates that the campaign must have been
successful, and that the king had been victorious.
This stone was found among remains of the cal-
careous wall at the foot of the monolith.

' The nefrative

has been omitted.

Plate VII. a, b. — Following the chronological
order, we now come to two monuments of which
we have only small fragments, but which are both
important. These fragments belonged to two
statues of white limestone which had been erected
in symmetrical relation to each other. One of
them is the statue of a man of which we have
about two-thirds, while the shoulder only of the
statue of the woman has been preserved. The size
and the style of the inscription, and all else, indi-
cate that these monuments were erected together.
The statue of the man, discovered on the 10th
of February, was the first thing which confirmed
the opinion I had formed at Ismailiah, that
Maskhutah was the site of Pithom and not of
Raamses. There are three lines of text at the
back of the statue : unfortunately they are broken
at the top and at the end :

Line 1. — I go into his abode with joy, and I go out with
praise. My lord Tum and my lady Hathor give me food
and provisions in abundance, all good things, and children
in great number.

The next line gives us the titles of the priest :

Line 2. — the metal vase ;2 the Auhau, the chief

of ,' the head of the storehouse, the official of the

temple of Tum of Succoth, the prophet of Hathor of An, the
prophet Pames * Isis, the son of the Auhau, the official the

prophet

thou art pure in tlie presence of all ; thou pleasest

thy lady Hathor, who is in perpetual joy ; she grants that
thy name may remain with this statue,^ in the abode of
Tum the great living god of Succoth. It wiU not be
destroyed.

The few signs which are still extant of the
inscription of the other statue are interesting,

^ Brugsch, " Diet. Hier.," vol. vii. p. 1261.

' f^ ^3" , a 116'^^ word, of which I do not know

111 (^ /wvwv

the sense.

* On the reading mes of the lock of hair '^ , cf. Bergmann,
"Hier. Inschr.," p. IG.

' (1i <:i P [1 . The papyrus Ebers contains a word

jTi I [1 Q P which M. Brugsch compares to the Coptic

JU16CICX)T which would have no sense here. I trans-
lated conjecturally statue. M. Brugsch, in a private letter,
writes that in this instance it is the only meaning acceptable .

STORE-CITY OF PITIIO.M AND THE ROUTE OF THE EXODUS.

because they give us twice the special name of the
priests of Succoth.

The first line contained the names and titles
of the priestess :

The beloved of Iht lord, the Auhnu uiit Men

. . . of ILir iSain Tmii in all seasons.

. . . thy name, like thy father the Auhau of the great Tsis.

Plates VIII. to X. — We have now to study the
most important monument discovered — the great
inscription of Ptolemy Philadelphos ; or, as it may
well be called, the Stone of Pithom. The tablet
has a height of four feet three inches, and a
width of three feet two inches. It is now pre-
served in the Museum of Boolak.

This tablet, judging from its context, was in-
tended to be an important historical record of
certain acts of the second Ptolemy. It is to be
regretted that it is engraved so carelessly that
the interpretation of it is very difficult, and that
merely to get a quite correct copy of it, it will be
necessary to collate it several times witJi the
original. The scenes of adoration with which
it begins are sculptured very fairly, although the
inscriptions are not finished. The first line of
the text is quite legible ; but after this the
engraver becomes more and more careless. He
does not seem to have even calculated the length
of the signs which he had to put in ; in the
middle lines we see large signs badly drawn,
irregular, and sometimes separated by blanks.
Suddenly, at line twenty-four, the style changes,
the engraver being perhaps replaced by one more
skilful ; and we have hieroglyphics of the Ptole-
maic style, much smaller, but well engraved and
easy to read.

In such conditions, it is impossible to give a
complete translation of the tablet, which contains
many new words and geographical names, which
add to the difficulty of decipherment. It is
therefore only a first attempt, a rough sketcli,
which I now venture to offer, liotli as regards
the transcription and translation of tlie text.
There arc many blanks in the inscription which
might be tilled up by a careful comparison with

the original. The plates are engraved from my
own paper casts, and from ^photographs made by
Mr. Emile Brugsch. These plates will have to
be completed ; they cannot be considered as
more than the first sight of the document. I
must appeal to my learned colleagues who may
study the tablet at Boolak, in order to assist me
in the reconstruction of this text, the importance
and interest of which are particularly striking.

The tablet reads from right to left, and begins
with three scenes of adoration. In the first, the
king Ptolemy Philadelphos offers tlie image of Ma
to several standing divinities. The first is Turn,
the great god of Succoth, the hehn-ed etenntUij for
ever, the lord of heaven, tlie Ibig of tlte gods. Behind
him comes Osiris, the lord of Eo Ah (tlie Arabian
eitg), rclio resides at Pilehereth. Behind him comes
Harmachis, whose name has been forgotten, as
well as that of Hathor. Lastly, the queen
Arsinoe II., dressed as a goddess, with her two
cartouches, the royal irife, the raged sister, the
princess queen of tlte tn-o lands, Kuiti ah en Siiu
iner neteru, Arsinoe, the iniglttg Isis, the great Hathor.

This scene is accompanied by the following
texts : The offering of Ma to his father, who gives
him life. As usual, the gift is followed by a promise
or a recompense on the part of the god who is
thus worshipped.

Tum says : I give thee an eternal duration, and
a reign n'ilhont end.

Osiris: I give thee the crown of La in heaven.

Harmachis : I give thee dominion and victorg over
all h(nils.

Hathor : / give thee the offering of all lands as
to Ha.

Arsinoe: J give thee paneggnes in great ntindier
before the gods.

Near this scene are two other ones, but facing
the oi)posite side, so that the two representations
of Arsinoe are back to back. The divinities are
also less numerous. First, Tnin the great living
god of . . . — the inscription is not finished ; then
Hathor, and then again Arsinoe. This time the
offering consists of two vases of milk.

STORE-CITY OF PITHOM AND THE ROUTE OP THE EXODUS.

Turn says : I give tlicc those . . . 7citli joy as
to Ea.

Hathor : I give thee as an offering all the countries
which are under thy feet.

Arsinoe : I give thee to live near thy father Turn,
xcho gives, thee 'pancgyries.

A tliirtl scene shows- Ptolemy before a kiug
■who is certainly his father Ptolemy Soter. His
son presents him with a symbolic eye, and the
father answers : / give thee all the countries and all
the lands as to Ra eternally.

I will endeavour now to give the sense of part
of the tablet ; premising that this is only a first
attempt, which will have to be revised and com-
pleted both as to the text and the translation : —

Line 1. — The living Horus, the victorious child, the lord
of Upper and LoTver Egypt, the very valiant, the golden
Horus who has been crowned by his father, the king of
Upper and Lower Egypt, the lord of the two lands, Userkara
mer Anion, the son of Ea, the lord of diadems, Ptolemy,
living like lia eternally ; Turn the great living god of
Succoth, the living Turn, the first of the living on earth, like
Ra eternally ; all life is derived from him ; he loves the gods
and goddesses of the Heroopolitan nome,' and lives eternally;

Line 2. — the living and beautiful god, the child of Tum,
who united both thrones . . . the illustrious issue of Unnofris,
■who lasts like Turn for ever, the living image of Tum the
great god of Succoth, the admirable likeness of Harmachis,
the divine blood of Tum the lord of the two On, the glorious
descendant of Khepra ; he has been suckled by Hathor the
lady of Ant. "When he was bom, the atef crown was on
his head ;

Line 3. — the two snakes are on his brow, when he receives
it (the atef crown), for he has been nursed to be the lord
of her who brought liim forth . . . standing in his place like
a king, like a prince in his palace, like his son Hor Sam
Toui the great god who resides at Succoth. It is he who
joined the thrones of the two gods, who honoured his father
Tum above millions, he who has averted the enemy from
this land

The following lines are so uncertain that it is
impossible to give a translation. The eulogy of
the king seems to continue ; but instead of the
commonplace formulas which we found in the
first three lines, we have here some direct

' We do not know the reading of the compound sign
which represents the name of the eighth nome. I call it
by the Greek name, Heroopolis.

allusions to what the king has done. It is said
that he fights for EgvjJt and protects its children ;
then, that he collects horses, and ships on the sea,
that he averts the Tesheru, the nomads of the
Arabian desert. After some very obscure expres-
sions mention is again made of his great military
deeds, of the gathering of horses, and of some-
thing which takes place on the sea. The narrative
begins at the end of the sixth line. The sixth
year,

Line 7. — under the reign of His Divine Majesty ; when
it was reported to him that the abode had been finished for his
father Tum, the great god of Succoth ; the third day of the
month of Athj'r, His Majesty went himself to Heroopolis, in
the presence of his father Tum. Lower Egypt was in rejoicing
the festival of his birth. "When His Majesty pro-
ceeded to the temple of Pikerehet, he dedicated^ this temple
to his father Tum the great living god of Succotli, in the
festival of the god.

Line 8 commences with something relating to

the revenues of the temple. Next follows :

His Majesty made this fine abode, which was

erected by the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Ptolemy, to
his father Tum. There was no fine abode like this in the time
of the kings of Upper and Lower Egypt. He who built it
to his venerable father, it is the golden Horus, Userkara mer
Amon, the son of Ea, the lord of thrones, Ptolemy, who
lives eternally. Again His Majesty proceeded to ... m order
to do the business of his father
Line 9. — Tum . . .

The text becomes again very indistinct. It
refers evidently to all that the king has done,
in order to enlarge and adorn the before-
mentioned temple of Pikeheret, of which it has
just spoken. It is remarkable that the text
speaks of horses which are brought from the
land of To-neter ; for the inhabitants of To-neter
honour the king and bring him their tributes. At
the following line (1. 11) we come across several
geographical names, such as Pithom,

I read tlie first word sarA; lit. he

ii.nished. I suppose it to be a kind of dedication or con-
secration. Cf. 1. 21 : \\ ^ I ^ "^ 'V' ' "^^ ^''« '^«'"«-

monies of dedieaiion; I. IS. '=^ _ , he dedicated

the temple there (at Succoth).

stoi;e-city of pitiiom axd the eoute of the exodus.

ami other places which I could not make out
completely. Here, I believe, occurs the first
mention of the canal, in a very obscure sentence
which speaks o^ joiniiuj the sands (?) of the canal (? )
which is cast of Kharma, on its eastcni side, to the
lake of the scorpion. We know, in fact, from the
lists, that Kharma was a landing-place on a canal,
and that the lake of the scorpion 3^ I^^ was

the lake of the eighth nome. The above sentence
must be compared to that which is found in line 12,

, translated literally : He made a lake of

their sands, which became the great eastern canal of
Egypt, as far as Eonif; all Egypt icas in joy. It
is clear that this work must have been of high
importance, since it was celebrated as a great
benefit in the whole country. It appears that
this great enterprise was undertaken in connec-
tion with a journey performed by the king, in
which he found the gods of Egypt, which he
brought back (lines 11 and 12), and which, as
far as I can judge, he placed at Pithom (line 13).
The ccmal of the East is mentioned also in an
inscription of Edfoo which gives a measurement
of the land of Egypt ;^ there was also a canal of
the West. I suppose the place called "^I^©
Bonif, literally, the gate of the wind, must have
been somewhere near the end of the canal, at
the place where the ships ceased to row and
began to sail ; it must be in the region called
inrther Kemuerma. All these lines, as well as the
following, are very obscure ; this being perhaps
the one part of the wliole tablet which it is most
desirable to collate thoroughly, in order that the
large gaps may be filled up, and the real sense,
which I give here conjecturally, may be ascer-
tained.

I am obliged to pass on to line 15.
In his twelfth year Philadelphos comes with
his sister Arsinoe to Herotipolis. In the next

' Koug6, "Inscriptions d'Edfou," Plate CXVI., 10.

line there is another date, but it is uncertain.
Here the king seems to have fixed the amount
of revenue which was to be brought to the
gods. This revenue is given in kind and in
money. We find catalogues of the offerings of
cattle, wood, hins of oil and honey, and besides
utens of silver. We have here also many geo-
graphical names which occurred before, and of
which some are new, as well as several of the
common names.

Though still very badly engraved, the text is
more readable, from the middle of line 20 :

. . . After these things, His Majesty went to Kemuerma (the
shore of Kemuer) ; he founded there a large city to his sister,

Line 21. — with the illustrious name of the daughter of
king Ptolemy ; a sanctuary was built there to the princess
who loves her brother ; the statues of the gods Philadelphi
were erected, and the ceremonies of dedication were made by
the prophets and priests of his father Tum, the great living
god of Succoth, as it is usual in the temples of Upper and
Lower Egypt. At the first month His Majesty called for
transports,

Line 22. — ships laden with all the good things

of Egypt to the first general of His Majesty . . .

they sailed to Kemuerma he navigated in the Red

Sea ; he arrived at Khatit.

Line 23. — He reached the land of the negroes he

brought provisions to the king he sailed in the

sea in the lake of the scorpion. He brought all the things
which are agreeable to the king and to his sister his royal
wife ; and he built a great city to the king with the illustrious
name of the king, the lord of Egypt, Ptolemy.

Line 24. — And ho took possession of it with the soldiers
of His "Majesty and all the workmen of Egypt and the land
of Punt (?) ; he made there fields and cultivated them
with ploughs and cattle ; he did not come back before it was
done. He caught elephants in great number for the king
and he brought them on his ships to the king, on his trans-
ports on the sea. He brought them also on the Eastern Canal ;
no such thing had ever been seen by any of the kings of the
land. There came ships and ships to Kemuerma ....
there was abundance after scarcity.

Line. 25 they know in their hearts the admirable

qualities of the king. When he arrives, the chiefs bring Iiim
their tributes, for they honour the king in their hearts ; they
gather their taxes in his storehouse of this harbour where the
king has done all these things, the harbour of his father Tum
the groat living god of Succoth. It is Ra who made it, Ra who
has done all that he desired. He has done it for his son who
loves him, the son of Ra, the lord of thrones, Ptolemy. After
these things, the king lionoured Apis and Mnevis,

Line 2G. — and ho caused them to lie put together, until

storp:-city op pithom and the route of the exodus.

they entered again their abodes. His Jfajesty and his Royal
Consort Iionoured them as it had never been done beftire by
any of the foregoing kings. The account of all the taxes
which His Majesty has given as revenues to the two divisions

of Egypt, on the income of each year of gold. His

Majesty gave 1.50,000 argentei. The account of all the
taxes which His Majesty has given as revenues to Pikerehet,
taxes due by the houses of the city and taxes due by the
inhabitants.

Line 27. — as income of each year 9.50 argentei. His
Majesty has given them in his first panegyry to his fatlier
Tum, of whom arc born all his limbs, and who gave him life.
It has been provided for his needs by the hands of Isis and
Neplithys, the thirtieth day of the month of Athyr. The
twenty-first year, the firstday of the month of Pharmuti, under
the reign of His Majesty, account of all the taxes which His
Majesty has given as income to the temples of Upper andLower
Egypt ; taxes due by the houses of Egypt 90,000 uten of silver ;
taxes due by the inhabitants as taxation of each year 660,000
argentei. These revenues which have been given to his
father Tum and to the gods of Egypt, have been inscribed

Line 28. — on this tablet before his fatlier Tum the great
living god of iSuccoth, on the day of the coronation of the
king, when he dedicated the temple which is there; this day has
become the day of festival of the city. The gods and men of
the city are in joy and celebrate him because of those great
deeds, in all times, in order that may last the illustrious name
of His Majesty in this land for ever. He shines like Horns
the creator of the living ; he is his son who abides on the
throne of Egypt during his time ; all the lands bow down
before his will, and all strange nations are united under his
feet as to Ea, for ever, eternally.

Plate XI. — Besides the hieroglyphic monu-
ments, I have found also two Latin inscriptions,
of which I here give facsimiles. The first was
found near the entrance, only a few feet distant
from the monolith, in a calcareous wall, which
very likely belonged to a gate. It is easy to
see that the inscription was cut by two different
hands. The first hand stopped in the middle of
the P of the second line. These characters were
engraved deeply and with a certain care ; but
then the engraver left off; or perhaps the same
man, a soldier, who did it with some rough
instrument, found the method slow, and wished
to finish quickly. However, it seems cer-
tain that he wished to write EROPOLIS after
the two letters LO, of which I do not know the
meaning. POLIS is quite distinct, as well as the
following words ERO CASTRA, as to which
there is no possible doubt.

We have here therefore the ERO of the
Itinerary of Antoninus, the Greek 'HPfl, 'Hpaxov
TToXts which we know from the passage of Ste-
phanus Byzantinus quoted before.

The other inscription is more important, because
it bears a date. It must be referred to 300 or
307 A.D. It reads thus : —

"Dominis nostris victoribus, Maximiano et Severo im-
peratoribus, et Maximino et Constantino nobilissimis
Caesaril)us, ab Ero in Clusma, M. Villi. — 0.

" Under our victorious lords, the emperors Maximianus and
Severus, and the most illustrious Caesars Maximinus and
Constantine, from Ero to Clusma there are nine miles. — Nine."

Thus, if we consult this inscription, the reading
of which is absolutely certain, there are only nine
miles from Ero to Clusma. Turning to the
Itinerary of Antoninus^ we read that there are
eighteen miles from Ero to Scrapiu, and fifty
from Scrapiu to Clusma, which makes a sum of
sixty-eight. We are therefore compelled to admit
that one of the documents is wrong, either the
Itinerary or the milestone, in which the engraver
would thus have made a double mistake. For,
as it was usual in the provinces where Greek was
spoken, the distance is given both in Latin and
Greek. The sign which is at the end of the last
line is a 6, which means ninc.^ Besides, unlike
the other one, this inscription is complete ; there
is no gap. no unfinished character, all the letters
have been engraved with the same care. It would,
indeed, be extraordinary that the engraver should
have made a mistake precisely in the numbers
which gives the distance to the next station. He
would thus have done just the reverse of what the
stone was intended for. The stone does not seem
to have had any other purpose than to mark a
station for soldiers and travellers, and to indicate
the length of the road to the next city or camp.
We may reasonably admit that this distance was

1 "Itinerarium Antonini," p. 170, ed Wesseling.

' I am indebted for this valuable information to a kind
letter from Prof. Th. Mommsen. The eminent Latin scholar
says there can be no doubt as to the correctness of the
inscription.

STORE-CITY OP PITIIOM AND THE ROUTE OF THE EXODUS.

given correctly, aud that it was not stated at more
than fifty miles shorter than its actual length.
Therefore, in examining the evidence in favour of
the written text and the engraved inscription, I
cannot help thinldng that the stone is right ; and
it agrees with a fact on which I shall have to dwell
later, the vicinity of Pithom to the head of the
Arabian Gulf.

GEOGEAPHICAL EEMAEKS.

We have now again to consider the inscriptions
which have been translated, and to draw from
them some information regarding the geography
of the Eastern region of the Delta ; and particu-
larly what is now called the Wadi TumiLit. It
will chiefly be the tablet of Philadelphos on which
our argument will be based. The tablet, as we
have seen,^ begins with three scenes of offering,
which differ in the names and number of the gods
to whom the sacred gifts are brought. We see
first Tum of Succoth, Osiris of I'ikelicret, Har-
macliis, Hathor, and Arsinoe. The next scene
shows us Tum, Hathor, and Arsinoe, who are
turned to the left; this circumstance indicating
that the second scene does not refer to the same
historical fact as the first. We have seen in the
inscription, at first, a narrative of what Philadel-
phos has done at Pikerehet, or Pikcherct, the city
of Osiris, in which, nevertheless, there was also an
abode of Tum.

Pikerehet plays an important part in the tablet
of Philadelphos, the last lines of which give the
amount of taxes which were granted as income to
the temple of the city. According to the different
lists of nomes, we see that the capital of the eighth
nome of Lower Egypt is either Pi Tum or Pike-
rehet, sometimes written Sc Kerehet f but, which-
ever name is mentioned, it is always added that it

Plate VIII.

'itl

msL

Eouu

"Iiiscr. d' Edfou," PI.

CXLV.

belongs to the region of Succoth. I believe there-
fore that Heroopolis, or rather the capital of the
region of Succoth, contained two sanctuaries, very
near to each other. Pi Tum and Pikerehet ; the
last one being nearer the sea than Pi Tum, which
travellers coming from Heliopolis first reached.

If now we remember that we have given to the
milestone the preference over the text of the
Itinerary, and that we have thus reduced the sixty-
eight miles from Ero to Clusma to nine, the
result is that all distances are considerably
shortened ; and that the eighteen miles which the
Itinerary puts between Ero and Serapiu must
have been only a very short interval. And this
leads me to the conclusion that Serapiu is nothing
else than the Latin name of Pilercliet. This place
is the only Serapewn, the only sanctuary of Osiris
of which we know the existence in that part of
the country.

Another proof in favour of this idea is the fact
that the Itinerary describes a road sixty miles
long, which goes from Serapiu to Pelusium, and
of which the stations are indicated. The
description of that road follows immediately
that of the road from Heliopolis to Clusma, of
which Serapiu was the last station but one. Se-
rapiu was therefore a branch station from which
two roads started, one of which led to Clusma, the
other to Pelusium. Now, supposing Serapiu to be
eighteen miles south of Heroiipolis, as most of
the maps indicate it, near the present Bitter
Lakes, or even flirther towards Suez, there is no
reason why it should have been a starting-point,
or a junction, or why the road of Pelusium should
have branched off at that point. If such had been
the case, the traveller going from HeUopolis to
Pelusium would have had to pass through Ero,
and thence to go on to Serapiu ; then from Se-
rapiu he must have retraced his steps, if not
through Ero, at least close to it, through a line
parallel to that which he had just followed. But
if Serapiu Pikerehet is close to Mv Pi Turn
the difficulty is easily solved. The traveller
coming from Heliopolis went through Ero and

STORE-CITY OF PITHOM AND THE ROUTE OF THE EXODUS.

reached the neighbouring sanctuary of Serapin.
If he wished to go to the sea, he followed the canal,
and arrived at Clusma nine miles distant ; if lie
wanted to go to Pelusium, he left the canal at
Serapiu and turned to the north.

The authors who speak of Heroopolis are unani-
mous in declaring that the city was near the sea,
at the head of the Arabian Gulf, which was also
called HeroopoHtan. Strabo and Pliny declare it
in the most distinct way. The geogi'apher Ptolemy
places Heroopolis and Arsinoe at the head of the
Arabian Gulf, in the same degree of latitude.
The consequence of this agreement in the testi-
mony of the Greeks and the Romans is that, as
we said before, we must admit that formerly,
under the dominion of the Ptomans, the Red Sea
extended much farther north than it does now ;
but that then the retreat of the sea, and the
changes in the surface of the soil had already
begun to be felt.

Not only were the Bitter Lakes under water,
but I believe we are compelled to admit with
Linant Bey,' who derives his arguments from
geology, that Lake Timsah, and the valleys
of Saba Biar and Abu Balah were, under the
Pharaohs, part of the sea. Some traces of this
may be seen on the map of the French engineers
dra'ftTi at the end of last century. Contiguous
to Lake Timsah there is a narrow extension
towards the west which has the appearance of
the head of a gulf. Thus the sea would have
extended as far as the place now called Macjfar,
only three miles from Heroopolis. There the
canal ended which, before the time of Neko,
watered the laud of Goshen and the cities like
Pithom, which were built in the Wadi Tumilat.
It is possible that the canal was traced and dug
in an imperfect way : at the end there may have
been those marshes and pastures in which the
Bedawccs of Atuma asked the Pharaoh Menephtah
to allow them to pasture their cattle.

' " Memoire sur les principaux travaux d'utilite publique
executes en Egypte," p. 195.

It must have been at the head of the gulf
near Heroopolis that the upheaval of the soil, and
the retreat of the sea were first felt. Gradually
the water sank, the communication with the gulf
was partly cut off, and there remained salt
marshes such as are seen at present in several
parts of the Delta, and which were called by
Strabo and Pliny the Bitter Lakes. Linant Bey^
very justly observes that the Bitter Lakes of
the ancients cannot be identical with those of
to-day, the extent of which is so considerable that
it is quite impossible that they should have be-
come sweet after the water of the Nile had been
admitted into them, as we learn from Strabo. At
the time of the Pharaohs there were some Bitter
Lakes at the head of the gulf near Heroopolis.
Linant Bey's statement is confirmed by Pliny,^ who
says that the length of the canal is thirty-seven
miles as far as the Bitter Lakes. Taking the be-
ginning of the canal near Bubastis, as we know
from Herodotus, thirty-seven miles would carry
us only a little further than Pithom. It was
through those lakes, or rather through those
marshes, that Philadelphos cut his canal, on the
banks of which he built Arsinoe, the city which
according to the hieroglyphic text was situate at
Kcnmcrma.

I consider the word Kemuerma as meaning
the shore or the landing-place of Kemuer.* And
this name reminds me of one of the oldest
papyri which have come down to us, the papyrus
of Berlin, N°. I., which relates the travels and the
adventurous life of an Egyptian called Saneha.®
This fugitive relates that in his vagrant journey he

arrived at the lake of Kemuer

\> I ^rm

^fe^

rv/'N^

which evidently was a salt lake. Thirst, says he,
overtook me in mij journey, my throat was parched ;

' Id., p. 178.

' Dii Bois Ayrce, " Memoire sur les anciennes limites de
la mer Eouge," ed. Panckouke, p. 380.

* Cf. Brugsch, Diet. Hier. vol. vi., p. 5.36.

5 Cf. Maspero, " Melanges d'archeologie," 209 et seq. ;
Goodwin, " Kecords of tlie Past," vol. vi.

STORE-CITY OF PITHOM AND THE ROUTE OF THE EXODUS.

I said this is the taste of death. Fortunately for
him, be saw a Bedawee, a Sati, who brought him
some water; and be escaped thus from dying of
thirst. It is interesting to know that at that
time, long before Eameses II., that part of the
country was inhabited by Sati, Asiatic Bedawees,
against whom the Pharaohs had to fight ; for
before arriving at Kemuer, Saueba had passed
a fortress which the king had made to keep off
the Sati. It was for the same purpose that
Eameses and his son Menepbtab built the for-
tresses of the Wadi Tumilat.

I believe the lake of Kemuer to be the present
lake Timsah, but very probably to have had a
different form from what it has now ; I think also
that the gulf which Pliny calls Charandra must be
understood as meaning the lake Timsah. There,
at the head of the gulf, Pbiladelphos built the city
oi Arsinoe, which he dedicated to his second wife,
his sister, the princess to whom he granted divine
honours. This city does not seem to have lasted
very long. Ptolemy built it in order to facilitate
the trade with the Red Sea.' In proportion as
the sea retreated it became necessary to carry the
canal farther; Pitbom Heroopolis was too far
back. Agatharcbides says that it was from Arsinoe
that the ships sailed to the Pied Sea ; and PHny
mentions this city as the place where the three
roads met which led from the Mediterranean to
the Red Sea.

At the beginning of the fourth century, when
Constantino was not yet emperor, Arsinoe was no
more, and had been superseded by the canij} or
fort of Clmma,^ which is mentioned on the mile-
stone, and which the geographer Ptolemy places
very near Arsinoe.^ From the inscription, which
gives the distance of nine miles from Ero, we may
conclude that Clusma was at the place where is
now the station of Nefichc, close to Lake Timsah.
St. Epiphanius says that Clusma was at the head of

' Liimnt, 1.1., p. IGG. =Linant, 1.1., p. 158.

' Quatremoi-e, " Memoircs geographiques et historiques sur
Egypte," i., pp. 151 et soq.

one of the gulfs of the Red Sea. Luciau speaks
of a young man who sailed from Clusma to India.
Philostorgos also says that one of the gulfs ends
at the Egyptian city of Clusma, from which its
name is derived. This shows that the city of
Arsinoe no longer existed and had been forgotten.

If from the Roman inscription we know the
site of Clusma, where now shall we put Arsinoe ?
According to Strabo it was near Heroijpolis, and
close to the end of the canal which went through
the Bitter Lakes. Pliny says that Pbiladelphos
stopped at the Bitter Lakes, fearing lest the
country might be overflowed if he carried his
canal farther. He calls the canal Ptolemaeus
aiintis, the Ptolemean river, and he says that it
fiuws ahiiifj Arsinoe (prtefluit Arsinoen). From
this I should conclude that Arsinoe was situate
where in the time of the Pharaohs there were
marshes ; which marshes were made navigable by
Pbiladelphos ; and I should place Arsinoe at the
village of Maijfar. At that spot the French
engineers of the last century saw some ruins
which were still visible when Linant Bey made his
first journey. Those ruins were situate on the
north side of the old canal, hke Pithom. This
would agree with Ptolemy, who says that Clusma
was south of Ai'sinoe; and to a certain degree
with the Tabula Peutingeriana, in which the two
cities are separated by the sea.

Pliny, speaking of the canal, says that it unites
the harbour of Daneon with the Nile. The name
of Daneon has not been identified ; it looks
like a genitive plural, and seems to indicate a tribe.
I believe this name exists in hieroglyphic text,
in the papyrus of Saneha before quoted. After
be lias been rescued by the Sati near the lake of
Kemuer, Saneha goes with him to the region of
Atima* which is under the dominion of the prince

of Tennu

^^^/i

This seems to be

the word which Pliny has transcribed Daneon. It

' ^Tk^ " Pup. ae Bed.,":., 1.29. (jc^^^
III, 1. 182. Cf. Chabas, "Pap. de Berlin," jip. -10 and 75,
Maspero, "Mel. d'arclieologic, No. 9, p. 155.

STORE-CITY OF PITHOM AND THE ROUTE OF THE EXODUS.

•would thus refer to some nomad tribe living near
lake Timsah.

THE ROUTE OF THE EXODUS.

Among the historical events upon wliich the dis-
covery of Pithom contributes to throw light, one
of the most important is certainly the Exodus,
and the route which the Israelites followed
in going out of Egypt. On this point, although
many conclusions are still conjectural, we have
at all events gained some fixed data which must
now be brought forward.

The Israelites were settled in the Land of
Goshen, in a region which perhaps extended
further northward, but which certainly compre-
hended the Wadi Tumilat, wherein was situate
the city of Pithom, where, according to the Sep-
tuagint, Jacob and Joseph met when the Patriarch
came to Egypt. Bound for Palestine, two dif-
ferent routes lay before them. The northern
route had been followed by the great conquerors.
It went from Tanis to the Syrian coast ; it was
the shortest way, but it went through several for-
tresses, particularly the great stronghold of Zar.
Besides, the first part of it crossed a well-culti-
vated and irrigated land occupied by an agri-
cultural population, which was not a land of
pasture necessary for a people of shepherds.
This northern route is called in the Bible the way
of the land of the Philistmes; and, from the first,
before any other indication as to the direction
they followed, it is said that the Israelites did not
take that road. The other was the southern
route, which their ancestor Jacob had taken before
them, and which, according to Linant Bey,^ was
still followed by the Bedawees of our days before
the opening of the canal. They went straight
from El Arish to the valley of Saba Biar ; while the
traders, travelling through Kantarah, Salihieh and
Korein followed very nearly the old northern

' Linant, 1.1., p. 159.

route. The Israehtes had only to go along the
canal as far as its opening into the Arabian Gulf
at a short distance from Succoth ; then pushing
straight forward, they would skirt the northern
shore of the gulf, and reach the desert and the
Palestine way without having any sea to cross.

"The children of Israel journeyed from Piameses
to Succoth." It is useless now to discuss the
site of the city of Rameses, which will only be
ascertained by farther excavations. It is quite
possible that we must understand the name as re-
ferring to the land of Rameses, rather than to the
city ; the land must have been either west or north

The first station is Succoth, Thuket,
^ or ^ \ [Xi . Here it is im-

of Pithom.
or Thuhu \

poi-tant to observe that the name of the place
where the Israelites first encamped is not the
name of a city, but the name of a district, of the
region of Thuket, in which, at the time of the
Exodus, there existed not only Pithom, but the
fortifications which Rameses II. and his successor
had erected to keep off the invading Asiatics. It
is quite natural that the camping ground of such
a large multitude must have had a great extent.
It was not at Pithom that the Israelites halted ;
the gates of the fortified city were not opened to
them, nor were the storehouses. Besides, the
area of the enclosure would have been quite in-
sufficient to contam such a vast crowd. They
pitched their tents in the land of Succoth where
Pithom was built, very likely near those lakes and
those good pastures where the nomads of Atuma
asked to be admitted with their cattle.

There has been much discussion about the site
of the next station, Etham, which has always been
considered as a city, and even as a fortress, and
the name of which has been derived from the
O is n ^ which means a

Egyptian Mctem, ^^^ ^ ^_^

stronghold. The name of Succoth, of a region,
shows that we are not to look for a city of Etham,
but for a district, a region of that name. And here
we must again refer to the text of the papyrus of
Saneha. He says that, leaving the Lake of

STORE-CITY OF PITIIOM AND THE ROUTE OF THE EXODUS.

Kemuer, lie arrived with his companion at a place
called Atiina, which could not be very far distant.
Let US now consult a document of the time of the
Exodus, the papyrus Anatasi VI.' We find there
the passage which has already been alluded to
several times. We follow M. Brugsch's transla-
tion:— " Wc have allotcecl the tribes of the Shasu of
the land of Atuina to juiss the stronghold of Kiiuj
Menephtah of the land of Siiccoth, towards the lakes
ofPithon of King Mcncfhtah of the land of Saceoth ;
in order to feed theviselres and to feed their cattle in
the great estate cf Pharaoh. . . . ." That is what I
consider as the region of Etltaiii, the land which

the papyri call Atiina, Atina, AtiDiia, (|

^^^^

(X) . It was inhabited by Shasu

nomads, and as it was insufficient to nourish their
cattle, they were obliged to ask to share the
good pastures which had been assigned to the
Israelites. The determinative ^ indicates that
it was a borderland. Both the nature of the
land and its name seem to agree very well with
what is said of Etham, that it was /« tlie edge of
the wilderness.

Piouge, Chabas and Brugsch have transcribed
the name of Atuma as Edovi, considering that the
Egyptian c=^:p generally transcribes the Hebrew ^.
It is certainly rare to find a Jl corresponding to
a c^ ; however, these transcriptions from the
Semitic languages do not follow an invariable
rule.^ Jl very often transcribes ^ , for instance
in the name of Pithom, and c=^>i and ^ are equi-
valent to each other in a considerable number of
Egj'ptian words.^ Moreover, it is an anachronism
to admit the existence of a land of Edom at the
time when the papyrus of Saneha was written,
under the twelfth dynasty. It would have been

'"Pap. Ana.stasi," VI., p. 4. Enigsch, "Diet. Gcog.,"
p. 642. Clialias, " Keclierches pour servir a rinstoire du la
xix. dynastie," p. 107.

' c^^J'T^ nnn,r.rugscli,Dict, IlicT. vol.vii.,p. laco.

K,^^

f]-\r\ npn

much too far distant, especially in the case of the
Shasu. On the contrary, it is quite natural
to suppose that Atuma was a region near lake
Timsah, then called Kemuer. The Shasu, or
the Sati as they are called in the papyrus of
Saneha, who are wandering about at the edge of
the desert, finding no food for their flocks, ask
the agent of the royal estate to be allowed to
feed their cattle in the pastures which were
watered l)y the canal of Pithom.

Another reason which induces me to think that
Etham is a region, and not a eitg, is that in the
Book of Numbers* we read of the wilderness of
Etham, in which the Israelites march three days
after having crossed the sea. This desert, then,
would have extended very far south of the city
from which it derived its name; and one does not
see how Etham, an Egyptian city, would have
given its name to a desert inhabited by a Semitic
population, and the greatest part of which w^as on
the opposite side of the sea.

I beheve, therefore, Etham to be the region of
Atuma ; the desert which began at Lake Timsah
and extended west and south of it, near the
Arabian Gulf. As this desert was occupied by
Shasu and Satiu, Asiatic nomads of Semitic race,
they may have had, somewhere on the shore
opposite to Egypt, a sanctuary dedicated to their
god Baal Zephon ; and this was not necessarily a
large place. It may have been a small monu-
ment, a place of worship or of pilgrimage, like
those numberless shekhs' tombs which are found
on the hills and mountains of Egypt.

The Israelites leaving Succoth, a region which
we now know well, the neighbourhood of Tell el
Maskhutah, push forward towards the desert,
skirting the northern shore of the gulf, and thus
reach the wilderness of Etham ; but there, because
of the pursuit of Pharaoh, tliey have to change
their course, they are told to retrace their
steps, so as to put the sea between them and the
desert.

* XXXllL, 9.

STORE-CITY OF PITHOM AND THE ROUTE OF THE EXODUS.

The next indications of Holy Writ can only
be determined conjecturally. Surveys and exca-
vations are needed to give us definite infor-
mation. However, although it is impossible
yet to bring forward positive evidence in favour
of this or that theory, I will attempt to trace
the route followed, relying on what seems most
probable : —

" And the Lord .spake unto Moses, sapng : ' Speak unto
the children of Israel, that they turn and encamp before
Pi-hahiroth, between Migdol and the sea, over against Baal-
zephon ; before it shall ye encamp by the sea.' "

We must bear in mind that the sea was only
at a very short distance from Succoth, and
that it covered the valley of Saba Biar. Judging
from the appearance of the ground, such as it is
given in the maps, it is clear that the gulf must
have been very narrow in the space between
Lake Timsah and the Bitter Lakes. We have
left the Israelites in the land of Atuma, on
the northern shore of the Arabian Gulf, at the
edge of the wilderness. There they receive the
command to camp near the sea, so as to be
separated by the gulf from the desert which they
had to cross. They are obliged therefore to turn
back ; to pass between Pithom and the end of the
gulf, somewhere near Magfar, then to march
towards the south to the place which is indicated
as their camping ground. The question is now.
Where are we to look for Migdol and Fi Hahiroth?

As for Migdol, the ancient authors, and par-
ticularly the Itinerary, mention a Migdol, or Mag-
dolon, which was twelve Roman miles ..distant
from Pelusium. It is not possible to admit that
this is the same Migdol which is spoken of in
Exodus, for then it would not be the Red Sea,
but the Mediterranean, which the Israelites would
have before them, and we should thus have to fall
in with MM. Schleiden and Brugsch's theory, that
they followed the narrow track which lies between
the Mediterranean and the Serbonian Bog. How-
ever ingenious are the arguments on which this
system is based, I believe it must now be dismissed
altogether, because we know the site of the station

of Succoth. Is it possible to admit that fi"om the
shore of the Arabian Gulf, the Israelites turned to
the north, and marched forty miles through the
desert in order to reach the Mediterranean ? The
journey would have lasted several days; they
would have been obliged to pass in front of the
fortresses of the north; they would have fallen in
the way of the land of the Philistines, which they
were told not to take ; and, lastly, the Egyptians,
issuing from Tanis and the northern cities, would
have easily intercepted them.

Besides, when the text speaks of the sea, it is
natural to think that it means the sea which is
close by, of which they ai"e skirting the northern
coast, and not that other sea, which is forty
miles distant. All these reasons induce me to
give up definitively the idea of the passage by
the north, and to return to the old theory of a
passage of the Red Sea, but of the Red Sea as it
was at that time, extending a great deal farther
northward, and not the Red Sea of to-day, wliich
occupies a very different position.

The word Migdol, in Egyptian ' ^^3^5 | "^^ :!'*',

is a common name; it means a fort, a tonrr. It
is very likely that in a fortified region there have
been several places so called, distinguished from
each other, either by the name of the king who
built them, or by some local circumstance ; just
as there are in Italy a considerable number of
Torre. I should therefore, with M. Ebers,^ place
Migdol at the present station of the Serapeum.
There the sea was not wide, and the water pro-
bably very shallow; there also the phenomenon
which took place on such a large scale when the
Israelites went through must have been well known,
as it is often seen now in other parts of Egypt.
As at this point the sea was liable to be driven
back under the influence of the east wind, and to
leave a dry way, the Pharaohs were obliged to
have there a fort, a Migdol, so as to guard that
part of the sea, and to prevent the Asiatics of the

' "Durch Gosen zum Sinai," p. 422.

W 7 r> (; J 2

STORE-CITY OP PITIIOM AND THE ROUTE OF THE EXODUS.

desert from using this temporary gate to enter
Egypt, to steal cattle and to plunder the fertile
land which was round Pithom. That there was
one spot particularly favourable for crossing, be-
cause of this well-known effect of the wind, is
indicated by the detailed description of the place
where the Israelites are to camp. There is a
striking difference between this description and
the vague data which we find before and after.
It is not only said that they are to camp near the
sea, but tlie landmarks are given, Pi-Hahiroth,
Migdol, Baal Zephon, so that they could
not miss the spot, which perhaps was very
restricted.

Let us now try to identify Pi-Ildliirotli. At
first sight I was struck by the likeness in the
sound of the Hebrew word Pi-Hahiroth with
the Pikeherct, or Pikcrchct, which we have found in
the tablet of Philadelphos. At present I do not
know of any other Egyptian name which may so
be compared to the Hebrew. But we have not yet
found the word Pikerehet on a monument of the
time of Rameses II., and it is possible that this
sanctuary of Osiris may have been built by Phila-
delphos. However, in general the Ptolemies did
not innovate ; they restored the old worships and
enlarged the temples ; but they adhered to the local
traditions. It is therefore most probable that
from a very high antiquity Osiris had a temple at
Pikerehet. We have considered Pikerehet as
being the second sanctuary of Heroopolis, at a
short distance from Pi Tum, but nearer the sea ;
and there is the following cii'cumstance which
makes me think that it is Pi-Hahiroth. In tlie
tablet of Philadelphos there is ft-equcnt mention
in connection with Pikerehet, of horses which
are brought there, and of cattle given to the
sanctuary for its annual income. Now, if we
revert to the papyrus Auastasi and to the
Shasu of Atuma, we see that they ask to drive
their cattle in the pastures which belong to the
estate or to the /arm of Pharaoh. The Egyptian
word ah (] X tr^ means a farm where cattle or
horses are bred ; an estate with live stock upon

it.^ If we look at the passage in Exodus where the
route of the Israelites is described, Ave find there that
the Septuagint, who made their translation during
the reign of Philadelphos, and after them the Coptic
version, instead of mentioning Pi-Hahiroth, have
written dTrevdvTL Trj<; e7rai;X.e«s, before the farm, the

exact translation of the Egyptian 0 « ca. Thus

while the Hebrew gives the proper name of the
sanctuary, the Greek speaks of the farm, which
we know from the papyrus Anastasi was close by
in the laud of Succoth, hke Pikerehet.

We have now the landmarks of the camping
ground of the Israelites: on the north-west Pi-
Hahiroth, Pikerehet, not very far from Pithom ; on
the south-east Migdol, near the present Serapeum ;
in front of them the sea; and opposite, on the
Asiatic side, on some hill like 57/67.7? Ennedch, Baal
Zephon. There, in the space between the Sera-
peum and Lake Timsali, the sea was narrow, the
water had not much depth, the east wind opened
the sea, and the Israelites went through.-

This seems to me at present the most probable
route of the Exodus. I think it agrees best with
what we know of the geographical names, and of the
nature of the land. Besides, it does not suppose
very long marches, which would have been quite im-
possible with a large multitude ; the distances are
not very great, and on that account the information
which we owe to the Roman milestone is invaluable.
However, it is most desirable that further excava-
tions remove the obscurities of the topogi-aphy ;
especially let us hope that some day we shall
ascertain the site of Migdol of the Pied Sea.

PTOLEMY PHILADELPHOS.

It is not my intention to write the history of
the second of the Greek kings of Egypt, but only
to dwell on a few facts connected with the monu-

' Brugsch, "Diet. Hier.," vol. v. p. 122.

* I am Ijouiul to say, tliat following a totally different line
of argument, I have come very nearly to the same conclusion
as Linant Bey, in his admirable work already referred to.

STORE-CITY OF PITHOM AND THE ROUTE OF THE EXODUS

ments of Pithom. Philadelphos was the sou of
Ptolemy Soter, the General of Alexander, who had
received Eg3'pt as his share when the huge empire
was divided, and who succeeded in preserving his
kingdom amid all the wars and intrigues which
followed the death of the Macedonian conqueror.
Philadelphos was the favourite son of his father,
who associated him with himself upon the throne
B.C. 285, so giving him the preference over his
elder brother, Keraunos, who fled to Lysimachos,
king of Thrace. When Keraunos, after having
treacherously put to death Seleucus Nicator,
claimed the throne of Macedonia, he was supported
by Philadelphos, who in that way consolidated his
own crown. One of the first acts of Keraunos,
when he had succeeded to the throne of Mace-
donia, was to lull the children of his sister Arsinoe,
widow of Lysimachos, who fled to Philadelphos.

The second Ptolemy, as we know from Strabo
and Diodorus, had delicate health, and was very
fond of novelties, and of everything which came
from distant countries. We hear several times of
his taste for the chase of elephants and for strange
animals. He paid large sums to the travellers
who brought them, and succeeded in collecting
a large number of elephants which he drew from
Ethiopia.

A short time after his accession to the throne,
some palace intrigues, and a real or supposed
plot against his life, induced him to repudiate his
first wife, Ai'sinoe I., the daughter of Lysimachos,
king of Thrace, by whom he had three children,
and to exile her to Coptos. The wife who succeeded
her was the king's own sister, Arsinoe IL, who
received the title of Philadelphos. The historian
of the successors of Alexander, Dr. Droysen,^ at-
tributes to political motives this marriage, which
was not repugnant to the Egyptians, but which
must have been most ofiensive to the Greeks and
Macedonians who surrounded the king. He thinks
that Philadelphos wished to make a claim to cities
like Ephesus, Heraclea, and Cassandrea, which

' " Geschiclite des Hellenismus," ii., p. 234 et seq.

had been given to Arsinoe. Whatever may have
been his motives, his new wife was very different
from the portraits which the court poets have left
of her. She was about forty years of age, much
older than her husband, and in her past life had
committed some awful crimes. When she was
wife of Lysimachos, king of Thrace, with the help
of her brother Keraunos, she put to death Aga-
thocles, the son of another wife of Lysimachos
and heir to the throne. A few years after, her
associate Keraunos repaid upon her the death of
Agathocles. On the day when, yielding to his en-
treaties, she had consented to marry him, and
amid the celebration of a great festivity, Keraunos
slaughtered her two younger sons on her knees.
Arsinoe fled to Philadelphos, her second brother,
who raised her to the throne of Egypt.

No queen ever had so many honours heaped
upon her head as Arsinoe. Philadelphos put her
among the gods, and was himself her priest. And
the worship of x^rsinoe seems to have been par-
ticularly solemn, for it lasted under the successors
of Philadelphos. Official records, such as the decree
of Canopus, after the name of the king and queen
in whose reign the decree is made, mention the
name of the priestess of Arsinoe (Kai/rjc^d/oo?) ,
which shows that it was a very high dignity.

Not only did Philadelphos grant divine honours
to his wife, but it is very likely that he gave her an
important position in the government of the
country. He must have considered her as having
a right to the throne, because, in opposition to
what we see for all other queens consort of Egypt,
he gave her the right to bear two ovals, like a king.
I do not know of any other Egyptian queen who
enjoyed this honour, unless by usurpation ; not
even under the twenty-first dynasty. The first of
these ovals, Niim ab Situ mer ndcni, has some
Hkeness to the first cartouche of Amasis, except
that it contains the god Shu instead of Ra.

A great many cities were named after Arsinoe,
or founded in her honour. Stephanus Byzan-
tinus mentions ten. There were two in Egypt :
one in the Fayoom, the other near Heroopolis.

E 2

STOEE-CITY OF PITHOM AND THE ROUTE OF THE EXODUS.

There was one also in the Troglodytice. Ptolemy
sent several expeditions to this last land ; this coin-
cided with his taste for what came from far away ;
and it encouraged the trade by the Eed Sea, of
which he felt the importance for the welfare
of his kingdom. It is one of the merits of
the first Ptolemies, and particularly of Phila-
delj^hos, to have opened new commercial roads
which were previously unlcnown, or at least
unfrequented.

Diodorus * says that before Philadelphos no
Greek had ever reached the extreme boundaries
of Egypt or penetrated into Ethiopia, where he
sent a military expedition. It is he who made
known to his subjects the immense wealth which
would be derived from those remote countries,
which, since the Pharaohs of the great dynasties,
the Egyptian armies had never seen. The ancient
authors, Diodorus, Agatharchides, Strabo, and
Pliny, assign as the inducement for those ex-
peditions the fancy of the king for elephants,
which was carried so far, that according to Aga-
tharchides, he tried to persuade the Elephanto-
phagi to give up the habit of eating the flesh of
that animal. Our tablet says, in fact, that
elephants^ were brought to the king from the
coast of Africa. But it would not be fair to
attribute to a mere fancy those naval expeditions,
of which Philadelphos dispatched several. He
evidently recognized well the great advantages
which Egypt would derive from her position
between Europe and the East ; and he added much
to the prosperity and the wealth of his kingdom,
by bringing to his harbours the products of Eastern
Africa, and even of India, which was absolutely
unknown to the old Pharaohs.

The hieroglyphic text relates that a considerable
fleet of transports was gathered at Kemuerma, in
the present lake Timsah, under the command
of the first General of His Majesty, whose name

' DioJori, "I!ibl.," i., .37.

nm '

a new word.

is not given. Strabo '^ mentions two Generals of
Philadelphos who were ordered to explore the
Troglodytice ; first Satyros, who founded the city
of Philotera, then Eumedes. In skirting the coast
of the Troglodytice, which our text calls the
land of Khatit, "Eumedes," says Strabo, "after
having passed an island covered with olive-trees,
came upon a peninsula, where he landed quite
unawares, and entrenched himself, digging a ditch
and building a wall in order to keep off the natives ;
but he dealt with them so skilfully, that he made
friends of them instead of foes. He founded the city
of Ptolemais dr^poiv, ' Ptoiemais of the chase,'
specially destined for the pursuit of elephants, and
as a landing place for the travellers who went into
the inner part of the country." We have seen in
the lines 22 to 25 of our tablet an account of the
foundation of the city, whence the elephants were
brought by ships on the sea. The text seems even
to allude to the skill with which Eumedes succeeded
in making friends with the natives and their chiefs.
It speaks of the settlement of the colony which was
established there, and of the goodwill of the inha-
bitants, who brought at once the products of the
land, and sent a tribute to Philadelphos.

The site of Ptolemais Theron has been much
discussed. It is generally placed between Souakim
and Massowah, near a promontory which Dr.
Droyseu calls Eas Turhoba, and others Eas el
Debir. It appears that Philadelphos considered
the foundation of this city as one of the important
acts of his reign, for he relates it fully in the tablet
of Pithom, while he does not mention Philotera
and Berenice, which were also on the Eed Sea.

The last line of the tablet raises some important
questions as to the coinage in the time of Phila-
delphos. All the sums of taxes and incomes are
given in silver ; and this confirms what is known
from Demotic and Greek documents, that under
Philadelphos the standard of the coinage was silver.*

' Stralio, p. 770.

* Cf. tlic interesting researches of M. Eevillout, " Ecvue
Egyptologique," iii. annee.

APPENDIX 1/

The greater part of this Memoir was already
■wi-itten, when I received an article written by
M. Lepsius in the Zeitschrift of Berlin, under the
title Uhcr die Lage von Pithoiii (Sulckoth) imd
Raemscs (Heroonpolis). The learned author, start-
ing from the description of the Sweet Water Canal
of the Pharaohs, which he gave in his standard
work on the Chronology of the Egyptians, seeks
to prove that the identification of Tell el Maskhutah
with Kaamses, which he advocated in the year 1849,
holds good as before ; and that Pithom must be
looked for at Tell Abu Suleyman, twenty-two miles
farther back, to the westward between Abu Hammed
and Tell el Kebir. The chief argument upon which
M. Lepsius relies for throwing overboai-d nearly
the whole results of the excavations at Maskhutah,
is that the site discovered does not agree with the
passage of Herodotus on Patumos, or with the
distances given in the Itinerary ; and that those
two texts must be considered as the unassailable
foundation to which we are to adapt our inter-
pretations of the hieroglyphic texts.

My venerable master will allow me to differ en-
tirely as to this method, and to proceed exactly from
the opposite end. I really do not think that the facts
related by Herodotus, and still more the numbers of
the Itinerary, (a document of a very late epoch) can
be more weighty as evidence than dated Egyptian
inscriptions found on the spot; and which though
of various epochs are quite unanimous in the in-
formation they give us. I believe that the sound
method, not only for Egyptology, but for history
in general, is to test the later, and especially the
foreign documents, by the Hght of contemporary
records ; especially when those records are en-

' This was written and printed before the lamented death
of the celebrated Egyptologist.

graved on stone and preserved at the very place
where they were originally erected. Besides, it is
easy to show that the two texts referred to do not
at all overthrow the discovery of Pithom. On the
contrary, there is a remarkable confirmation in
Herodotus, whom I quote in fulL^ Wajxixiriy^ov
Se IVe/cw? TTttts iyeuero koL ij3acrC\evae AlyvnTov,
09 T7J Siwpv)(i iTre)(eipr](Te TrpuiTO^ rfj e's ttjv
Epvdprji/ ddXaacrau (jtepovcrr], tyjv Aapelo<; 6
Uepcrr)'; Sei/repa Stwpu^e .... 'H/crat, §e ano tov
NeiXov TO vSwp es avTrjv, ■^KTat Se KaTuirepde
b\iyov Bov/SacTTio? ttoXios irapa Tldrovixov rrjv
Apafiirjv ttoXlv. 'Ecre)(eL Se es ttjv 'EpvOprju
dakaaa-av. " Psammitichus left a son called Nekos,
who succeeded him upon the throne. This
prince was the first to attempt the construction
of the canal to the Red Sea— a work completed

afterwards by Darius the Persian The

water is derived from the Nile, which the canal
leaves a little above the city of Bubastis, near
Patumos the Arabian town ; it runs into the
Pied Sea."

This is the text which is given in the new
editions of Herodotus, and on which M. Lepsius
rehes to prove that Pithom lies under the pre-
sent mounds of Tell Abu Suleyman, between Abu
Hammed and Tell el Kebir. Whoever knows the
country, or looks at the map, will be struck at
once by the fact that, if M. Lepsius's identifi-
cation is right, Herodotus must be wrong : for
Patumos in such case would be not above, but
about fourteen English miles heloio Bubastis.
Besides, it would be a strange way of indi-
cating the place where the canal branches off
from the Nile, to mention a city which is a great

' Herod, ii., 158, ed. Miiller : Paris, Didot.

APPENDIX I.

deal farther from the beginning of the canal than
Bubastis itself. Herodotus would thus say " the
water is derived from the Nile, a little above
Bubastis which is close by the origin of the canal,
near the city of Patumos which is fifteen miles
distant ; and before the water of the canal reaches
Patumos it has to flow for one-third of the whole
length of the canal." Or again it would be like
saying in our days : the canal branches off a little
above Zagazig, near the station of Tell el Kebir.

Further, if we consider the next sentence, iae)(^eL
Be, &c., it riDi.s into the Bed Sea, it seems quite an
unnecessary repetition. Herodotus describes the
canal to the lied Sea ; it is a matter of course that
the canal runs into the Pied Sea. He would not
have said that, if he had not intended to indicate
the part of the Red Sea where the canal joins it.
He gives us here the two ends of the canal, the
starting point near Bubastis, and the point of
junction with the sea near Patumos. The text
is evidently corrupt, but is easily amended. It is
only necessary to divide the sentence otherwise,
and to displace 8e. Thus we read : — ■

'HKTat Se KaTvnepde oXiyoi' Bov/3do'Ti.o<; ttoXios.
Tlapa Tla.Tovp.ov Se jrjv 'Apa/3ir)u ttoXlv iae)(eL c?
TTji/ 'EpvBprjv Oakaa-aav. " The water is derived
from the Nile, a Httle above Bubastis, and it runs
into the Pied Sea near Patumos, the Arabian city."'
The sentence is quite symmetrical ; the descrip-
tion is quite fluent; and it is exactly what we
learn from the inscriptions of Maskhutah.

Let us now examine the texts of the Itinerary ^
and the ' Notitia Dignitatum,' which mention a
cityof r/tOM, Thohu, Tohu, Thoim. Two manu-
scripts only of the Itinerary read Thoum, all the
others read Thou, and all the manuscripts of the
'Notitia' Thohu. Judging from the Itinerary, this

' I believe this reading is found in the edition of Larcher
which I liave not seen ; Wesscling advocates it in one of tlio
notes.

' I iiave seen only the edition of Wesseling of the Itinerary,
which does not mention Thoum. Parthey, the editor of the
Itinerary, in his maps made from that text, quotes only Thou
and Tliiihu. (Zur Erdkunde des Alton Aegyptons).

city must have been at the opening of the Wadi
Tumilat, at the junction of the roads to Pelu-
sium and Clusma. I see no reason why Thou
should be Pithom, the abode of Tum. On the con-
trary, if the name is derived from one of the gods,
it cannot be from Tum, whose name in the Itine-
rary, like the names of all the great gods of Egypt,
is not given in its Egyptian form, but translated into
Greek. Ra is Helios, and his city is Heliopolis ;
Amon, Zeus, Diospolis ; Thoth, Hermes, Hermo-
polis ; Hathor, Aphrodite, Aphroditopolis ; Osiris,
Serapis, Serapiu; Tum, 'Hpm, Hero. I cannot, hke
M. Lepsius, consider as a mistake the remarks of
ChampoUion ' and Wilkinson,* that on the Pam-
philiau obelisk, the translation of which is pre-
served by Ammianus Marcellinus, the Egyptian

si Tiiw, tlie son of Turn, is rendered vtos

"Hpo)vo<;, of which the Greeks have made 'Hpcocov
TToXis, slightly changing the word so as to give it
a sense in their own language. Thou is therefore
not Tum. It may not even be the name of a divi-
nity.^ Neither can it be an abbreviation of Patumos.
The city was called in Egyptian Pi Tum, or Ha
Tum ; and in the Itinerary we see that the last
syllables of Egyptian names are cut off, but not the
beginning. This word would have been shortened
in a different way from the other names. It is very
possible that Tell Abu Suleyman may be the site of
Thou ; but whatever may be the sense of this
name, we must keep the reading Thou or Thohu,
and not Thoum.

M. Lepsius then dwells on the fact that on
the monolith Rameses II. is seen sitting between
Ra and Tum. It shows, according to his argu-
ment, that Rameses was the local god, and
that the city must have borne his name, as was
the case at Abu Simbel, where Rameses is seated
in the sanctuary in company with the three chief

' Gramm., p. 361.

* "Manners and Customs," 2nd ed., iii., p. 178.
^ I should not wonder if wo found some day that Tliou is
the equivalent of Ikihastis.

APrENDIX I.

deities of Egypt. But at Maskhutah the case is
quite different. The monoHth does not belong to
the sanctuary. There were two monohths exactly
alike, placed opposite to each other, at the
entrance. It is a pure hypothesis to admit that
there was a third monolith in the sanctuary, con-
sidering that the naos has been preserved. Why
should the third have disappeared ? There is not
the slightest doubt that the naos was dedicated to
Turn Harmachis, as may be seen from the inscrip-
tions and the sphinx which is cut in the base.

Those two monoliths have the same purpose as
the inscriptions which we often meet with in
temples, chiefly near the entrance. The king is
between two gods ; for instance, Tum and Mentu,
or Tum and Khonsu, who introduce him, and
promise him a long and prosperous reign, and un-
interrupted happiness, and who record his praises
in the stereotyped sentences, which are found on
the walls of all temples. Here, where there was
no stone wall, the monolith has taken the place
of the engraved picture ; only the king is seen
sitting instead of standing. On the monolith
which has been published, it is Tum who speaks,
addressing the king with the usual promises and
eulogies; on the other the formulas are of the
same kind. Nowhere, neither at the entrance,
nor on the naos, nor on the granite tablet, nor
on the sphinxes, is there any mention of a Pi
Barneses, a city of Barneses, which certainly would
not have been omitted if that were the name of
the town. Besides, if, as a rule, every place where
Rameses was worshipped as a god was called
the city of Barneses, we have to give that name
to all the sanctuaries of Nubia, Bet el Wally,
Gerf Hussein, Sebua, Derr, Abu Simbel, and
even to the great temple of Karnak.^

The final argument of M. Lepsius is that the city
which was at Maskliutah must have been named
from one of the gods of the monohth. It could
not be Ra, because there is already a Pi Ea, Heli-

' Cf. Leps., "Denkm.," iii., 148, 177, 178, 181, 182, &c.

opolis; it could not be Tum, because we know the
existence of Pi Tum at Tell Abu Suleyman, and
two cities so very near each other could not have
the same name ; — it must therefore be Raamses.
M. Lepsius will allow me to observe that this
argument takes for granted, and rests on the very
point which is under discussion. I, for my own
part, do not admit at all, and far less consider as
a well proved fact, that there was a Pithom at Abu
Suleyman. On the contrary, the reader knows what
I think of the texts of Herodotus and the Itinerary,
which alone are cited as supporting this idea. Be-
sides, the objection of the too great vicinity of two
cities with the same name would be much stronger
in the case of the identification of M. Lepsius. If
ever there was a city dedicated to Tum, it was

Heliopolis, which is sometimes called ^^^ Pi
Tum;^ and HeHopolis is nearer Tell Abu Suley-
man than Tell Abu Suleyman is to Maskhutah.

Summing up the results of this Paper, I believe
the identification of Pithom with Tell el Mas-
khutah to rest on the most satisfactory evidence,
upon that of inscriptions found on the spot, and
dating from the reign of Eameses 11. , the founder
of the city, to Ptolemy Philadelphos. We have
found the name of the nome WT- that of the
district which became afterwards the civil name of

the capital :

n3
I

that of
that of the

and that of the region

the sacred city "1

lake o*o "^

If we look at all the lists of nomes, these names,
without exception, belong to the eighth nome of
Lower Egypt, the nome of Pithom, which became
under the Ptolemies Heroopolis, and under the
Romans Ero Castra.^

= "loser, of Piankhi," 1. 106.

^ It is useless to insist on a curious consequence of Jl.
Lepsius's identification. Admitting that Eaamses is at Mas-
khutah, and Pithom Succoth at Tell Abu Suleyman, the first
march of the Israelites would have been to go twenty-two
miles towards the west, turning their backs to the Eed Sea.'

APPENDIX II.

The former proprietor of the villa at Tell el
Maskhutali, Mr. Paponot, had the kindness to
send me paper-casts of two small monuments
which were found at the same time as those which
have heen hrought to Ismaihah. They were
lying heneath the great monolith.

Both are fragments of statuettes in black

granite. One of them consists only of two

lines of text on the back, of which we

print one here ; the second being only

I well known formulas.

" The text reads thus : whose

surname is Nefcr ab Fui neb pelui (the most
valiant Nefer ab Ea), the son of Thothna,

the issue of Sit pa Hap speaks thus

This fragment is particularly interesting
because it gives the name of a king which
had not yet been found at Pithom.

Nefer ab Ba is the first cartouche of
Psammetik II., the third king of the
twenty-sixth dynasty, who reigned six
years between 594 and 589 B.C., and
who was chiefly engaged in wars against
the Ethiopians.

It was usual at that time for priests
and officers to adopt a surname consisting
of the name of the king with an adjective.
Thus the son of Thothua, whose real
name we do not know, was called tlie
valiant Nefer ab Ea, an epithet of which the king
himself was fond, as he once added it to his
second cartouche, making it Fsemtek neb pehti/

' Lcps. Denkm., iii., 275.

ca I

SSS^SS

(A©

e??

the valiant Psammetik. We know also another

man whose surname was the valiant Nefer ab Ra ;

he was called Uza hor sunt, and a cup dedicated

by him was found at Damanhour."

The style of this inscription is exactly that of

the two fragments of Plate VII., which I had at

first attributed to the early Ptolemies. It gives

them a date. It shows that they belong to the

twenty-sixth dynasty.

Of the second statuette of Mr. Paponot,

also in black granite, two fragments

remain ; a line of the back and part of

the inscription of the apron. . We print

here the line of the back. It reads

thus :

the living god of Succoth, the

Auhau on the horizon of Turn of Snceoth,

the fosterer of Hor Sam. Taui

We have again here the title of Auhau
which we have found on other statues. As
to the temple it is called the horizon of
Turn, a metaphor which is very natural, as
he is a solar god. The title of Khenemt,
fosterer, or nurse when it is a feminine, is
frequent with gods considered as children ;
thus we find it also with Khonsu, the
p^ child.^ From the monuments of the
'^ twenty-sixth dynasty we should say that

the triad of Pithom consisted of Turn, Hathor
and Hor Saju Taui.

" Dcscr. de I'Eg., Ant. v. pi: 74.
' Brugsch., Diet. Hier., p. 1102.

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Full text of "The store-city of Pithom and the route of the Exodus"

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